Bodoland — Back to the future: Book Review

bk11

The political entity of BODOLAND in the north eastern state of Assam in India is a 8,970 Sq. Km. region spread over four newly re-organised districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalguri. Its two National Parks and many other protected areas are home to a very large number of animals, amphibians, insects and bird species, many of threatened worldwide. Bodoland has a rich history and cultural heritage that has survived through the centuries. It is a land of colourful tribes, festivals, song and dance. This book by Dushyant Parasher traces the history of Bodo people from legends to the contemporary times in a very readable manner. The coffee table size book is also very elaborately illustrated with excellent pictures by the author who is one of India’s leading nature and wildlife photographers.

War of words between AKRSU and RUKR. Rinoy Basumatary. Source Facebook

KOKRAJHAR, August 27: In a swift retaliatory measure against the All Koch Rajbongshi Students’ Union (AKRSU) led by Biswajit Ray who hit out at the Bodos alleging the distortion of the history of the Rajbongshi based on a book Bodoland back to the future published by the BTC, the president of Royal Union of Koch Rajbongshi (RUKR), Kumar Prithviraj Nayaran Dev on Thursday hit back at Ray saying that Ray was making an attempt to incite communal clashes between the Rajbongshis and the Bodos by provoking people. In a statement issued by Dev, he said, “We have already clarified our status over an article published in the book published by BTC titled Bodoland back to the future and edited by Dushyant Parashar. In a press meet in 2014 we declared our full confidence and accepted all the documents printed in that book,” he said adding that it was stated in the book that the last king of Sidli Kingdom and the Bidyapur Rajbari Palace belonged to the Mech or Bodo tribe. He said regarding that they had talks with the Deputy Chief of BTC, Kampa Borgoyary also but some so-called leaders of the Koch Rajbongshi community were misleading the common people about their history. He also said that this could be an attempt to incite ethnic clash in BTC again before the 2016 assembly polls.Dev said, “We the Royal descendants of Sidli Kingdom are historically and practically Raaj Koch which is similarly to Mech but we are not so-called Koch Rajbongshi and we honourably accept that Mech and Raaj Koch tribes belong to the Bodo Indo Mongolian tribe historically.” He said that Kamata Ratna, writer Ambika Charan Choudhury in his books also mentioned that the Koch or Mech were of Bodo origin. Dev claimed that the AKRSU leaders led by Biswajit Ray did not know the history of the Rajbongshis.

AKRSU mulls legal action. Source. Telegraphindia.  

Tejesh Kumar. Thursday , August 27 , 2015  

Bongaigaon, Aug. 26: The Biswajit Ray faction of All Koch-Rajbongshi Students’ Union (AKRSU) will take legal action against a notice issued by a tribal group charging the Koch-Rajbongshi women of wearing dokhna (Bodo women’s attire) instead of patani (Koch-Rajbongshi women’s attire) in their cultural celebrations. Karuna Kanta Basumatary, advocate, had issued a notice on behalf of Janajati Suraksha Mancha to AKRSU president Biswajit Ray on July 30. The AKRSU received the notice on August 14. Basumatary said, “It has been observed by my client, Ashok Kumar Brahma, secretary, Janajati Suraksha Mancha, that you (AKRSU) are making your Koch-Rajbongshi women folk to wear dokhna instead of your traditional attire patani in your cultural celebrations. This practice of yours has posed a threat to the heritage and culture of the Bodos, hence, you are asked to file your response in this connection within 15 days of receiving the notice.” Ray has termed this legal notice “an insult to the Koch-Rajbongshi community” and said for the past few years, a few Bodo groups, writers, intellectuals and litterateurs have been claiming the community as Bodo, by quoting “fabricated” and “unfounded” historical references. Citing examples, Ray showed a book – Bodoland, Back to the Future, by Dushyant Parasar and pointed out a photograph of Bidyapur Rajbari with the caption “Rajbari – remains of last Bodo king’s palace at Bidyapur in Bongaigaon.” Ray said this was a false claim made by Bodo intellectuals. “Since Bodos have no sound historical base to back their demands of Bodoland, they have to take help from the history of Koch-Rajbongshis.” 

No schools, No Mid-day meal, No Books, No regular teachers for Bodo school children.

noschool3noschool2

Why are there high percentages of school-college dropout of Bodo students? Are the Bodo leaders serious about them?
Most of the Indian metro cities are filled with young Bodo casual labourers! When someone visits many cities of India like Bagalore, Hyderabad, Chennai, Kochin, Delhi, Mumbai, Pune, Ahmedabad, Surat and Calcutta…we see many young Bodo people who are working as casual labourers in many odd unorganised sectors like Hotels, Restaurants just for survival. Most of the casual workers are in the age group of 12-30 years which indicates that mostly they are school and college dropout youths.

noschoolBADSCHOOL
The research study conducted by North East Support Centre & Helpline, a New Delhi-based support centre for migrants from Northeast India and according to the study, the annual average increase in migration from North East is 13.62%. With 200,000 Northeast migrants in New Delhi alone, that is 48.21% of the total Northeast migrants, the National Capital has emerged as one of the most preferred destinations for migrants from this region. Unless policy makers, civil societies and political leaderds are serious about education, we are going to end up with million of either uneducated or ‘educated’ yet unemployable youth – a grand recipe for social unrest.
No schools, No Mid-day meal, No Books, No regular teachers for Bodo school children.

baksanorbridge1 UNDERDEVELOP
There are high percentages of school-college drop out of Bodo medium students. The research study conducted by North East Support Centre & Helpline, a New Delhi-based support centre for migrants from Northeast India, According to the study, the annual average increase in migration from North East is 13.62%. With 200,000 Northeast migrants in New Delhi alone, that is 48.21% of the total Northeast migrants, the National Capital has emerged as one of the most preferred destinations for migrants from this region.

nexu1 neexu4 neexu6nedis01
Reasons behind migration
The study provided some statistics about reasons behind the migration. The 66.35% of North East migrants migrate for higher studies, out of which, 78.15% for graduate studies, 11.48% for Engineering/managerial, 6.80% for Research/Ph.D. and 3.57% for medical studies while 35% of migrants migrate for employment opportunities in other cities of India with 15% for Government jobs and 85% for un-organized private sectors. Over, 275,000 students from North East India have migrated to other cities of India.
The main push factor for migration of North East people is lack of educational infrastructure and limited choice of education, followed by unemployment opportunities in the region which are badly affected by socio-political unrest and communal conflicts.
Crimes against NE migrants
Several instances of violence to the migrants have been reported from time to time. North East Support Centre and Helpline has found that North East people in Delhi and NCR continue to face racial discrimination, racial attack, abuse, rape, molestation and killing. The Centre records many crimes against the NE migrants in Delhi and NCR, of which, 58% happened against women (34% molestation, 8% human trafficking, 7% beating, 4% rape, 2% attempt to rape), and 26% against men, 5% murder, 6% non-payment of salary, 3% non-refund rent deposit, 1% missing person and 1% media bias. About 78% of North Easterners in Delhi face racial discrimination in different forms which is slightly less compared to the 86% in 2009. The 83% of North East men and the 74% of their women face racial discrimination in Delhi and NCR.

baksanorbridgebtcmeal1btcmeal2
NE needs investment in Education and Economic Development
The research study recommended Investment for Education and Economic Development of the north east region, a political will from Union Government, Delhi Government, and the Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) for implementation of the existing laws, policies and plan of actions to end racial discrimination, sexual violence and human trafficking challenges faced by North East communities in national capital cities, establishment of private education institutions and law enforcing agencies to provide full security to the migrants from Northeast India. Unless policy makers and political leaderds are serious about education, we are going to end up with million of either uneducated or ‘educated’ yet unemployable youth – a grand recipe for social unrest.

Dream of Bodoland! How can we be a part of it?

Dream of Bodoland! How we can be a part of it?

bodolandmap05
I have a dream and I will give each one of you a dream. Do anything: you do it for Bodoland and Bodos. If you are in a teaching profession, Teach to make them self reliant. If you are a Student Leader, Lead them for the growth, if you are a singer, Sing and teach others to sing. If you are a political leader, lead the people in right path. DO anything or everything for our Bodoland. Every one of you should feel that whatever you are doing you are doing it for the Bodoland. Bodoland should be in our blood and in our breadth and in our Life. No one should stay away from the Bodos and Bodoland Movement, every household should be an integral part of it, every student should be a part of it, they should think that they have to shine in their life by studying more and through that they are contributing in Bodos and Bodoland development.

ptcamemo67ptcademo67delhigateptcademo67bodominoritynekilfake2nekilfake3bodobook011bodobook015bodobook012bodobook013bodobook017bodobook019whyabodolandranjan5btc01promod03govindo6ndfbsymbolbss bodogirlsfighter

Bodoland Students’ Union, Students wing of BPF

bsu1

Members of the Bodoland Students’ Union in Kokrajhar.

KOKRAJHAR, January 17:. KOKRAJHAR, January 17: The Bodoland Students’ Union (BSU), a new student wing of BTC region was formed on January 17 after the formal declaration in the first convention for formation of a new student union held at Debargaon near Bodoland University by the Chief of BTC and BPF President– Hagrama Mohilary. The convention for formation of a new student body was held under the aegis of Bodoland People’s Front (BPF). The BPF, as part of its resolution adopted in Gossaigaon convention of the party has decided to form the new student union to assist the party in implementing its principles and ideas in all fronts.

bsupresi1
Swgwmsar Basumatary of Kokrajhar became the first president of the BSU with Bonjit Manjil Basumatary of Bijni, Chirang as General Secretary. The total strength of the new student union is 195.
The open meeting which was chaired by former Chairman of the Central Selection Board (CSB) and Ex–Principal of Debargaon Higher Secondary School–Karendra Nath Brahma was addressed by the Chief of BTC– Hagrama Mohilary as chief guest. In his address, Mohilary said the new student body was formed to work for welfare of student community in BTC region and they will look after the genuine problems of the students and take necessary steps to address it. He said the BSU will voice for the progressive academic standards for every level and to extend expressive and possible suggestions towards infrastructural development and academic in all streams of studies in BTC, Assam and across India in line with international standard of quality and to pave the way for the new and coming generations to dedicate in destroying communal violence and help to create an environment of strong national integration and national understanding. The BSU will work for encouragement of student community and young generation irrespective of caste and creed and to work unitedly for social justice and communal harmony to enable peaceful co–existence. Besides, the BSU will work for eradication of social evils like superstition, witch hunting, dowry system, etc and to eradicate the bandh culture which has affected the education.

bsusent1
Talking to reporters, Mohilary said that the BPF will not use the new student body in political purposes but they will work only on academic line. He also said the student body will carry out the pro student activities including the issue of separate state of Bodoland. He also hoped that the BSU will be able to deal with the social issues and problems of the students. On the Rajya Sabha elections, he said that the BPF will discuss the issue with the Chief Minister of Assam–Tarun Gogoi shortly and will finalize the candidate if green signal is found. He further said the candidate for the Kokrajhar Parliamentary seat has not been finalized and it would be announced when the date for the elections is declared by the Election Commission of India.

bsuat1
The open meeting was inaugurated by the MLA of Kokrajhar and Vice–President of the BPF– Pramila Rani Brahma and was also addressed by the Transport Minister of Assam–Chandan Brhama, Rajya Sabha MP–Biswajit Daimary. The meeting was attended by MLAs, BTC EMs, MCLAs and party leaders.
The new student union would be constituted in four tiers in line with the BPF. The four tiers will include–Central committee, district committee, blocks committee and primary committee. Every level of the BSU committee will intimidate all decisions to the concerning parent committee of BPF which should be forwarded to central committee of BPF.
BPF forms students’ wing
– The buzz: New union created to counter All Bodo Students Union

Members of the Bodoland Students’ Union in Kokrajhar on Friday. Telegraph picture
Kokrajhar, Jan. 17: The Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) today formally declared the formation of its students’ wing — Bodoland Students’ Union (BSU).
BPF party president and BTC chief Hagrama Mohilary declared the formation of the students’ body and also announced names of the executive members at a public meeting held at Debargaon in Kokrajhar today.
The meeting was presided over by Kharendra Nath Brahma, former principal of Deborgaon Higher Secondary School and senior BPF leader, and attended by party leaders and workers, including Assam transport minister Chandan Brahma, Rajya Sabha MP Biswajit Daimary, MLAs Pramila Rani Brahma and Emanual Mushahary among others.

Swgwmsar Basumatary of Kokrajhar was named the president while Banjit Manjil Basumatary of Bijni the general secretary. Sanjay Narzary has been named the publicity secretary and Jayanta Brahma the treasurer of the union.
The students’ union was formed on the lines of the NSUI, ABVP, SFI, Bharatiya Vidyarthi Sena, Trinamul Chhatra Parishad and will comprise students of all communities.
The BSU will comprise four tiers on the lines of the BPF. The four tiers will include the central, district, block and primary committees. Every level of the BSU committee will convey all decisions to the related parent committee of the BPF which should be forwarded to the central committee of the BPF.
In his speech, Mohilary said the party has decided to form the students’ union to assist the party in implementing its principles and ideas.
He said the union would work for the interest of the student community and to pave the way for the new and coming generations to dedicate themselves in ending communal violence and help create an environment of strong national integration and understanding among different sections of people.
Mohilary said the union would aim at dealing with various difficulties and problems of students and different social issues. .
Assam transport and tourism minister Chandan Brahma said the union would be able to uplift the students of the region.
In her speech, MLA Pramila Rani Brahma said the students’ body would work for the student community irrespective of caste, language and religion residing in the BTAD.
The newly appointed president of the BSU, Swgwmsar Basumatary, urged the people to support them for the uplift of the student community.
Though the BPF leaders, including its president, said the new union has not been formed to confront other students’ unions, many said the BSU was formed to counter the All Bodo Students Union (Absu) with which the ruling party is not on good terms because of differences in ideology.
Hagrama to form new student body
Dec 1 – To solve the various problems of the students in the Bodo belt, BTC chief Hagrama Mahilary is going to form a new student organization which would be named as Bodoland Students’ Union (BSU) under the banner of his party Bodoland Peoples’ Front (BPF) on December 5 at Bodoland University in Kokrajhar.
Mahilary announced it today at a public meeting at Subaijhar under Bijni sub-division in Chirang district. Addressing the gathering the BTC chief said that the ABSU’s agitation for Bodoland is nothing but a political tactic aiming at 2014 Lok Sabha poll. Mahilary also criticized the ABSU president Pramod Boro and said that ABSU is more active in politics rather than the welfare of the students in the BTAD.
The new student body would be formed from four BTAD districts and 10 sub-divisions, Hagrama said.
Deputy Chief Khampa Borgoyari said that the AKRSU, Bengali Youth Student Federation and ABSU only voice on political issues instead of the student issues. Hence, he supported the initiative to form the new student body by Hagrama Mahilary. Minister Chandan Brahma also criticized the ABSU leaders.
However, Chirang district ABSU president Jayanta Basumatary said that responsible person like Hagrama Mahilary should not criticize any leader on personal matter.

HAGRAMA CRITICIZES BODOLAND DEMAND OF ABSU

nobodolandhagramanobodolandocumentnobodolandhagrama21

Comments
BTC Chief Hagrama Mohilary’s statement has indeed desecrated Bodofa UN Brahma’s dream. Having heard his self-destructive verbal jargon, I feel there is no reason to let our revolutionary spirit down rather we should lift up the spirit and celebrate this day for he has finally scripted his downfall. Should we not rejoice and say, “Thou shall not rise again? A lost sheep!” His unseasoned raucous and noisy rhetoric should not create any unnecessary tremor. Frankly, Hagrama is neither a spokesperson nor a leader of the community who commands wide respect. He is just a politician, and politicians have the art of surprising people. At times, they are adept in exploiting people’s emotions. What is being circused in Kokrajhar today is one of his many political misadventures. It is second in the series. Last year, if I am not factually wrong, he made a similar ridiculous tongue twisting exercise saying, “only the NDFB is fighting for Bodoland” in a public gathering in Udalguri. Such noises will keep flowing in the comings days.

Bodoland movement is a poll gimmick: Mohilary
September 7: Dropping a bombshell, BTC chief Hagrama Mohilary on Saturday said that the demand for separate Bodoland is just a poll gimmick and the entire movement for the same will die down as soon as the notification for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections is announced. Addressing a public meeting at Kokrajhar, Mohilary stated that Delhi, Dispur and even the organizations like the ABSU, BPF and others which have been agitating for the separate Bodoland demand are well aware that Assam will not be divided further to create separate States. “The Bodoland movement is just a ploy of the Congress–led government both at Delhi and Dispur to defeat BPF in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. With the announcement of the notification for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the Bodoland statehood movement will automatically end,” Mohilary said, adding, “The Bodoland movement is a politically motivated one.” According to Mohilary, there is right now no question of creation of separate States in the country as the Congress–led UPA government has not taken any concrete steps in this regard. The BTC chief, however, urged the people of ‘Bodoland’ to maintain peace and social harmony.

The man who people mistakenly treated as a leader has proved himself a political novice who does not have any imagination to lead the masses. His today’s tongue twisting exercise has already scripted his downfall- a reason for celebration. It is upto the people when and how to celebrate the dead of his immature political innings. The empire he imagined to erect will also go down in history- a chapter that will have no readership.

The un-unanimity among the Bodo political parties and other social organisations having ‘BODOLAND MOVEMENT’ has really disappointed the common Bodo people.Truly speaking, it was never expected.what common people expected was unity and no more division among themselves.It’s true, having a separate homeland is not an easy matter but at the same time there is nothing to loss confidence since we’ve our rights and provisions in the constitution.Many of our heroes have sacrificed their lives for the sake of having own homeland and self determination without caring about their lives and families.so, now the question is, did their lives worth nothing and should we now drop the idea of having homeland merely for the selfish motives of the so called leaders????
A BIG NEVER…!! *We are born to be warriors and we’ll fight so long as we’ve the last drop of blood and breath in us. *Now what we need to do is to have patience and persevere with unity util we reach our Goal,a goal of having own homeland for self determination and we do know .. our goal is not at faraway. My brothers be a true HERO and never lose the spirit of HEROISM.

“JAI BORO HARINI”

A hosts of dumb illiterates the present BPF formerly BLT are the one who kicked off ABSU’s Bodoland movement and sold the Land Rights of Tribal Belt & Block in BTC area in the name of BTC accord in 2003 and that’s too without the consultation with Tribal Sangha of Assam. And now, again they have started to show their true colour by ditching Bodoland, the aspirations of Bodos.
Hagrama and his followers lack a clear and concrete vision for the future of Bodo nation and they do not have any plans and policy for Bodos outside the BTC. They seem to be so short sighted that they are in the illusion that the BTC itself is the Bodoland.
They need to be reminded that the so called BTC termed by Hagrama and his party is not BODOLAND TERRITORIAL COUNCIL, but BTCAD the BODOLAND TERRITORIAL COUNCIL AREA DISTRICT created out of 4/5 splitted districts, I repeat “Area District”, not Bodoland as they Boast of.
Hagrama and his party worth not more than the FROGS in the WEL who lacks a sound mentality to lead and rule BODOs the great nation, and this is the time that they need to be thrown and kick out, for the better future of our nation.

To all BPF leaders take care of bald head mohilary, if necessary take him to tezpur mental health hospital. Urgently and all BNC parties join him to visit mental clinic
Even BSS falls in the same line

“The revolutionary leaders must realise that their own conviction of the necessity for struggle (an indispensable dimension of revolutionary wisdom) was not given to them by anyone else – if it is authentic. This conviction cannot be packaged and sold; it is reached, rather by means of a totality of reflection and action. Only the leaders own involvement in reality, within an historical situation, let them to criticize this situation and to wish to change it.” by Paulo freire. Friends isn’t mohilary packaging and trying to sell Bodoland demand for vote politics he is failed revolutionary from history of BLT.

Mangwnang Boro Rayjwfwr…Athikhalni Boroland swmaosarnaykhou jafunghwnwbla jwngni melemjibi eba intellectualfwra Harini thakhay wngkharbwnangwn arw gaokhou Baoswmnangwn Boro Harini thakhay arw Boro Harini boynibw nokhorni thakay…!! Jwngni Melemjibifra Boro Harini Khousethi labwnw Thakay gaoni mulamfakhou neosinanwi boynibw boro subungni thakay mengnay gwiyalase khamani maonangwn. Jwngni Gwrwng Gwra Melemjibifra gaswibw boro subungni bathrakhkou sannangwn. JwngKhou Khouse Khalamnangwn arw jwngjwng lwgwse Jujinangwn Harini Thwinay arw Thangnayni Daohayao. Angni Benw Aroj Iswra Jwngkhou modot khalamw arw Boro Harini Thangna Thanayni Thakhay Boybw jahate Jiuwi Mahamwi Modot hwyw. Jwi Boro Harini…!!
Jwi Boro Harini
Viv La Bodoland

nobodolandhagrama nobodolandhagrama21 nobodolandhagrama22 nobodolandocument

Bodo-Kachari Kingdom. Kachari kingdom ruins cry for care.

kachkdimapur30kachkinrun5

The Kachari was a powerful kingdom in medieval Assam. The rulers belonged to the Bodo-Dimasa people, part of the greater Kachari ethnic group. The Kachari Kingdom along with others kingdoms (Kamata, Sutiya), are examples of state formations among the Kachari ethnic groups that developed in medieval Assam in the wake of the ancient Kamarupa Kingdom. Remnants of the Kachari Kingdom existed till the advent of the British and gave its name to two present districts in Assam: Cachar and North Cachar Hills (which changed its name to Dima Hasao District district on April 2010.). Today only ruins remain and the archaeological site lies forgotten.

kachkinrun20kachkinrun15
The historical Khaspur, capital of the 19th century Kachari kingdom, is considered to be a favourite tourist destination. However, this majestic palace near Silchar fails to attract tourists from within and outside the region because of a lack of infrastructure development in the area. Negligence on the part of the government has rendered this wonderful site inaccessible and badly cared for. On a visit to Khaspur, one will find this historical palace in poor conditions and the adjoining Rani Chandrabha Hasnu Park unkempt and full of weeds. An untamed jungle has grown all around the ruins, risking the security of visitors and making it unsuitable for tourism. Historically, in the December of 1706, the Kachari king, Tamradhaja (whose capital was at Maibong on the bank of the Mahur River now in Dima Hasao district of Assam), was invaded by the most powerful Ahom king, Rudra Singha. Defeated by the Ahom king, Tamradhaja fled southwards to Khaspur. From then onwards, the Kachari princes settled in the plains of Cachar with their court located at Khaspur. It was originally named the Hirimba kingdom in memory of the demoness Hirimba, the wife of the Pandava Bhima, who was said to have resided in the region. King Suradarpa Narayan aimed at pleasing his people and, to make improvements in the capital, he constructed brick palaces and temples in different parts of Khaspur. The last of the Kachari Kings, Raja Gobin Chandra, was assassinated by a group of seditious people along with some of his personal attendants on April 24, 1830 at Haritikar in Cachar. In the absence of natural heirs, his kingdom lapsed to the British under the terms of an agreement executed in 1826. The Palace is now under the joint supervision of the Archaeological Survey of India and the Assam government.

kachkinrun10kachkinrun1

The Khaspur Palace requires renovation and continuous care by the authorities. The road leading to Khaspur from Shalganga, a place on Silchar-Kumbhirgram Road, is in a dilapidated condition. The Palace and the park are full of jungles, a local resident and social worker. Because of negligence by authorities, visitors face security risks. For these reasons, people hardly visit the Palace. If it is developed well, the Palace, however, could become one of the major tourist attractions in the state. Sources said the Assam government developed the Rani Chandrabha Hasnu Park five years ago to boost tourism. However, the park is now abandoned without any care from the authorities and people barely visit the park named after the Kachari queen.

kachkinrun2kachkinrun3kachkinrun4daimalu

A minister and local MLA, claimed that work towards renovating the palace has been going on over the years. However, because of a lack of funds, the works sometime derails. However, he assured that, with the completion of the East-West Corridor and Lumding-Stinchar broad gauge project, Khaspur will soon become a major tourist attraction for people outside the region as well. TOI

DODO WOMEN RAPED!!! Remembering the Issues of Human Rights Violation during Bodoland Movement.

bodobook013
‘Our leaders say that we must have nuclear missiles to protect us from the threat of China and Pakistan. But who will protect us from ourselves?’ Arundhati Roy.
The seven months pregnant women was raped by Indian Army on the eve of World Indigenous Peoples Day.The army refuted the allegation, saying it was baseless, false, fabricated and directed towards maligning its image. “This is the handiwork of the NDFB (S),” The army, however, admitted carrying out the operation. “The operation was launched at Karigaon and Thaisaguri with police representation to search for an NDFB (S) person. However, the suspect was not found at the locations. The family members of the suspect were questioned by the police representative. (TelegraphIndia). This incidence brings us the memory of the most horrible story of one of the darkest pages in the history of Bodoland movement is the incident at No. 12 Bhumka in Kokrajhar district of Assam. All total 9 (nine) Bodo Girls and one old woman at No. 12 Bhumka village in Kokrajhar district of Assam were gangraped by the Assam Police (AP) and Assam Police Task Force (APTF) on the nights of 25th and 27th January of 1988. In fact, rape by the police forces has become so much common during the Bodoland movement.

whyabodoland

‘Bodoland Movement and the Issues of Human Rights Violation’
Kalidash Brahma

‘Our leaders say that we must have nuclear missiles to protect us from the threat of China and Pakistan. But who will protect us from ourselves?’ Arundhati Roy
Introduction:
Every individual, by virtue of being a human inherits some basic rights and privileges. These rights we called human rights. These are inalienable and inherent in our nature. It can be broadly categorized into socio-economic and cultural rights, civil and political rights and group rights. Several numbers of laws and conventions were made by the states as well as the international organizations for the preservation and protection of these rights, but have not achieved any desirable success. One of the reasons for such human rights violation is the emergence of several social movements throughout the world.
There is no consensus of opinion among the social scientists regarding the term ‘social movement’. Even this paper will not try to explore the meaning of social movement in details. However, for the convenience of the present study, the term social movement will be looked upon as ‘a deliberate and collective endeavour to promote change in any direction and by any means, not excluding violence, illegality, revolution or ……’[1] Objectives, ideology, programmes, leadership and organization are the important components of social movements. They are interdependent and influence each other.[2] Bodoland movement which emerged in the 20th century is a social movement in the true sense of the term because it involves the socio-economic as well as political changes.

ptcademo67delhigate
Bodoland Movement:
The Bodos are one of the earliest inhabitants of Assam. They migrated to the north-eastern part of India at about 5000[3] BC in search of greener pasture and better living from central Asia such as China, Mongolia, Tibet and Siberia. Writing about Bodos Endle remarked ‘in feature and general appearance they approximate very closely to Mongolian type; and this would seem to point to Tibet and China as the original home of the race’[4]. With the passage of time and situation, they scattered in different parts of the region and acquired different tribe names. In the Brahmaputra Valley they are known as Boros, in Tripura as Tripuris, in north Cachar as Dimasas and so on. They ruled Assam till 1854. In Tripura, they had their own Kingdom till 1949. But the situation has changed since then. Today, the Bodos of the Brahmaputra Valley apprehend that their socio-cultural and political identity is in threat under the dominance of the greater Assomiya nationalism.
Here, it must be mentioned that a composite culture known as Assamese Culture was formed in the nineteenth century as well as in the early part of the twentieth century. But it could not last long. It collapsed as a result of the influence of the modern civilization and the chauvinist policies of the Assam government in the second half of the twentieth century[5]. Assam Official Language Act of 1960 and the movement for establishing Assamese as a Medium of instruction in all educational institution of Assam in 1972 can be mentioned in this regard. The process of the Bodoland movement started with the formation of Boro Chatra Sonmiloni in the year of 1919. The leaders of the organization felt that the identity of the Bodos is in threat in the midst of greater Assomiya nationalism. They created literatures in their own language and spread the message of their sufferings and deprivations. Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma, along with his friends submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1928-29 demanding a separate electorate for Bodos. He also launched a socio-religious movement known as ‘Brahma Movement’ for bringing changes in the socio religious life of the Bodos.
A drastic change was found in the process of the Bodoland movement when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi announced on 13th January, 1967 that Assam would be reorganized on the basis of federal structure. As a response to this announcement, All Bodo Students Union was formed on 15th February of 1967 and it was followed by the formation of Plains Tribal Council of Assam on 27th February of the same year. Both ABSU and PTCA warmly welcomed the decision of the centre to reorganize Assam on federal structure. ‘The PTCA, for the first time submitted memorandum to the then President of India Dr. Jakir Hussain on the 20th May, 1967 at New Delhi for the creation of an ‘Autonomous Region’ for plains tribal people of Assam. The wave of demand of Autonomous Region gradually got momentum and thus Autonomous Region was upgraded to the demand of ‘Union Territory’ which was nomenclated as ‘UDAYACHAL’ on 7th January, 1973.’[6] But misunderstanding developed between ABSU and PTCA when PTCA leaders announced on 4th April 1977 that PTCA has given up the demand UDAYACHAL with the status of Union Territory and wanted to experiment with only an Autonomous Region within Assam.[7]
Another milestone in the evolution of the Bodoland movement came under the leadership of Upendranath Brahma, the then president of ABSU. Under his leadership movement for separate Bodoland was launched on 2nd March, 1987. They created a political wing of ABSU named Bodo Peoples Action Committee (BPAC) which supported the separate Bodoland movement. After several years of movement an agreement was signed on 20th February, 1993 and Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) was created. But it failed to fulfill the aspirations of the Bodo people. BAC was created under the state Act and thus it existed at the mercy of State government. It was also mentioned in the agreement that the large forest areas of Indo-Bhutan International border on which the Bodo people are dependant for their daily livelihood would not be included within BAC. Thus, another phase of the movement was launched in 1996 and another agreement was signed on10th February, 2003 and Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was formed. But it also left the Bodo people unsatisfied as Bodo leaders felt that the identity, freedom and all round prosperity of the Bodos, for which the movement was launched, was not realized under BTC also. Thus the Bodoland movement still continues. However, this paper will discuss only the Issues of Human Rights Violation during Bodoland Movement from 1987-1993. Before and after the above mentioned period will not include in the present study.

Issues of Human Rights Violation during Bodoland Movement:
Social movements are launched basically to promote and protect basic human rights of the people. But history has witnessed that it also brings several numbers of violation of rights of the people. Bodoland movement was launched to protect the land, culture, customs and traditions and ethnic identity of the Bodo people. With reference to the right to self determination of the Universal Declaration of Human rights (UDHR) they started movement for the internal self determination of the Bodos. But unfortunately, movement has brought untold sufferings to the people. Excessive police atrocities, mass raid, mass arrest and inhuman tortures were being triggered by the state government upon the ABSU activist and the supporters of the separate Bodoland movement belonging to both Bodo and non-Bodo community. Large number of Bodo women (ranging from minor girl to old women) became the victims of gangrape and molestation.
Initially, the movement for separate Bodoland was a peaceful movement. But it became of violent nature because of the cruel treatment of the state government. In this regard, a quotation from the statement of the Pramila Rani Brahma, the then President of the All Tribal Women Welfare Federation is worth mentioning. She said, ‘Our movement is absolutely peaceful. Most of the violence is being perpetrated by the Assam police and by agents of Assam government. We are peace loving people and have stuck to non-violence despite grave provocations. How can you expect people to stay non-violent when their daughters are being raped and their near and dear ones are being tortured and shot death? I think you should comment the leadership of movement for continuing the agitation peacefully…..’[8]
A Bodo student named Sujit Narzary was killed when some Assamese miscreants threw a stone on him at Tihu Chock on the 12th June, 1987 while they were coming from a mass rally in Gauhaty. Another ABSU volunteer shri Subhas Basumatary had to lose one of his eyes due to that attack. Police forces shot death two ABSU volunteers viz. Kabiram Basumatary and Alendra Basumatary at Lailanpara in Darang district on the 9th September, 1987. Again, Police shot death one ABSU volunteer Obiram Mushahary and seriously injured Shadev Brahma near Serfanguri in Kokrajhar district on the 25th September, 1987.[9] Such attacked on the innocent Bodo people became very common during the Bodoland movement.
One of the darkest pages in the history of Bodoland movement is the incident at No. 12 Bhumka in Kokrajhar district of Assam. In their report to Amnesty International, Presidents of All Bodo Students Union and All Cachar-Karimganj Students Association stated that 9 (nine) Bodo Girls and one old woman at No. 12 Bhumka village in Kokrajhar district of Assam were gangraped by the Assam Police (AP) and Assam Police Task Force (APTF) on the nights of 25th and 27th January of 1988. In fact, rape by the police forces had become so much common during the Bodoland movement that Pramila Rani Brahma, the then President of ATWWF doubt if any Bodo dominated village has escaped the ravages.[10]
Another bloody incident occurred in the late 1989. At the patronage of the Assam government, some Assamese miscreants in connivance with the Assam police forces committed massacres at Gohpur in August and at Rangapara in May, 1989 under Sonitpur district, Simlaguri under Lakhimpur district in August, 1989, Kairabari, Bhakhatpara and Phaorupeta under Dorong district in August, 1989. In those incidents more than 300 innocent Bodo women and children were butchered and over 10,000 Bodo houses were burn down to ashes.[11] More than 15, 0000 Bodo people were settled in relief camps without government relief, rehabilitation and medical care. According to the report of ABSU to the then Prime Minister of India (V.P. Singh), over 200 Bodo inmates died out of starvation and another 93 Bodo inmates died due to lack of medical care in Gohpur itself. However, there are differences of opinion regarding the number of victims in every incident. But there is no doubt that a huge number of people lost their life during the Bodoland movement. According to the record of All Bodo Students Union, at least 1135 Bodo people had lost their life during the Bodoland movement from 1987-93.
Controversial Acts like Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1987, Assam Disturbed Areas Act, 1955 and Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 were imposed in the Kokrajhar district of Assam where Bodoland movement was gaining its momentum[12]. Large number of the innocent people became the victim of fake encounter while many other were beaten brutally leading to the lost of their eyes, legs, hands and so on. Thousands of the innocent Bodo people were sent in jail and tortured there. But no compensation was made to the victims and their families.
Atrocities in the name of enforcing law and order in the state still exist in Bodoland Territorial Council region of Assam. For a lasting peace in the region the root causes of the Bodoland movement must be explored and economic backwardness of the region should be addressed at the earliest.

________________________________________
End Note:
[1] Ghanshyam Shah, ‘Social Movements in India: a Review of Literature’, Sage Publication, New Delhi, London,2009, P-19
[2] Ibid, p-20
[3] B. Kumar Basumatary, ‘Social Mobility: From Tribalism to Indianism: The Bodos: The Aboriginal people of Eastern India’. , Onsumoi Printers, Kokrajhar, 2008, P-3
[4] Rev. Sydney Endle, ‘T he Kacharis’, Low Price Publications, Delhi-110052, 1997 P-3
[5] B. Kumar Basumatary, , ‘Social Mobility: From Tribalism to Indianism: The Bodos: The Aboriginal people of Eastern India’. , Onsumoi Printers, Kokrajhar, 2008, P-235.
[6] All Bodo Students Union, ‘Why Separate State of Bodoland: Demand and Justifications’, p-22

[7] Ibid, p-23

[8] Hira Charan Narzinary, ‘Reassertiveness of the Great Bodos’, Calcutta-700009, 2000, Pp-95-96
[9]All Bodo Students Union, ‘Why Separate State of Bodoland: Demand and Justifications’, p-7

[10] Hira Charan Narzinary, : ‘Reassertiveness of the Great Bodos’, Calcutta-700009, 2000, P-95.
[11] Bidyasagar Narzary, ‘Upendranath Brahma: Jiu arw Sansri’, Chirang Publiication Board, Chirang, Assam, 2007, p-97.
[12] Bidyasagar Narzary, ‘Upendranath Brahma: Jiu arw Sansri’, Chirang Publiication Board, Chirang, Assam, 2007, p-107

Bibliography:
1. All Bodo Students Union, ‘Why Separate State of Bodoland: Demand and Justifications’, Kokrajhar, Assam.
2. All Bodo Students Union, ‘Devide Assam Fifty- Fifty’, Kokrajhar, Assam.
3. Arundhati Roy, ’The Greater Common Good’, 1999.
4. Basumatary, B. Kumar: ‘Social Mobility: From Tribalism to Indianism: The Bodos: The Aboriginal people of Eastern India’. , Onsumoi Printers, Kokrajhar, 2008.
5. Endle, Rev. Sydney: ‘T he Kacharis’, Low Price Publications, Delhi-110052, 1997.
6. Narzary, Bidyasagar ‘Upendranath Brahma: Jiu arw Sansri’, Chirang Publiication Board, Chirang, Assam, 2007.
7. Narzinary, Hira Charan: ‘Reassertiveness of the Great Bodos’, Calcutta-700009, 2000.
8. Shah, Ghanshyam, ‘Social Movements in India: a Review of Literature’, Sage Publication, New Delhi, London, 2009.

Kalidash Brahma

Introduction:
Every individual, by virtue of being a human inherits some basic rights and privileges. These rights we called human rights. These are inalienable and inherent in our nature. It can be broadly categorized into socio-economic and cultural rights, civil and political rights and group rights. Several numbers of laws and conventions were made by the states as well as the international organizations for the preservation and protection of these rights, but have not achieved any desirable success. One of the reasons for such human rights violation is the emergence of several social movements throughout the world.
There is no consensus of opinion among the social scientists regarding the term ‘social movement’. Even this paper will not try to explore the meaning of social movement in details. However, for the convenience of the present study, the term social movement will be looked upon as ‘a deliberate and collective endeavour to promote change in any direction and by any means, not excluding violence, illegality, revolution or ……’[1] Objectives, ideology, programmes, leadership and organization are the important components of social movements. They are interdependent and influence each other.[2] Bodoland movement which emerged in the 20th century is a social movement in the true sense of the term because it involves the socio-economic as well as political changes.
Bodoland Movement:
The Bodos are one of the earliest inhabitants of Assam. They migrated to the north-eastern part of India at about 5000[3] BC in search of greener pasture and better living from central Asia such as China, Mongolia, Tibet and Siberia. Writing about Bodos Endle remarked ‘in feature and general appearance they approximate very closely to Mongolian type; and this would seem to point to Tibet and China as the original home of the race’[4]. With the passage of time and situation, they scattered in different parts of the region and acquired different tribe names. In the Brahmaputra Valley they are known as Boros, in Tripura as Tripuris, in north Cachar as Dimasas and so on. They ruled Assam till 1854. In Tripura, they had their own Kingdom till 1949. But the situation has changed since then. Today, the Bodos of the Brahmaputra Valley apprehend that their socio-cultural and political identity is in threat under the dominance of the greater Assomiya nationalism.
Here, it must be mentioned that a composite culture known as Assamese Culture was formed in the nineteenth century as well as in the early part of the twentieth century. But it could not last long. It collapsed as a result of the influence of the modern civilization and the chauvinist policies of the Assam government in the second half of the twentieth century[5]. Assam Official Language Act of 1960 and the movement for establishing Assamese as a Medium of instruction in all educational institution of Assam in 1972 can be mentioned in this regard. The process of the Bodoland movement started with the formation of Boro Chatra Sonmiloni in the year of 1919. The leaders of the organization felt that the identity of the Bodos is in threat in the midst of greater Assomiya nationalism. They created literatures in their own language and spread the message of their sufferings and deprivations. Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma, along with his friends submitted a memorandum to the Simon Commission in 1928-29 demanding a separate electorate for Bodos. He also launched a socio-religious movement known as ‘Brahma Movement’ for bringing changes in the socio religious life of the Bodos.
A drastic change was found in the process of the Bodoland movement when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi announced on 13th January, 1967 that Assam would be reorganized on the basis of federal structure. As a response to this announcement, All Bodo Students Union was formed on 15th February of 1967 and it was followed by the formation of Plains Tribal Council of Assam on 27th February of the same year. Both ABSU and PTCA warmly welcomed the decision of the centre to reorganize Assam on federal structure. ‘The PTCA, for the first time submitted memorandum to the then President of India Dr. Jakir Hussain on the 20th May, 1967 at New Delhi for the creation of an ‘Autonomous Region’ for plains tribal people of Assam. The wave of demand of Autonomous Region gradually got momentum and thus Autonomous Region was upgraded to the demand of ‘Union Territory’ which was nomenclated as ‘UDAYACHAL’ on 7th January, 1973.’[6] But misunderstanding developed between ABSU and PTCA when PTCA leaders announced on 4th April 1977 that PTCA has given up the demand UDAYACHAL with the status of Union Territory and wanted to experiment with only an Autonomous Region within Assam.[7]
Another milestone in the evolution of the Bodoland movement came under the leadership of Upendranath Brahma, the then president of ABSU. Under his leadership movement for separate Bodoland was launched on 2nd March, 1987. They created a political wing of ABSU named Bodo Peoples Action Committee (BPAC) which supported the separate Bodoland movement. After several years of movement an agreement was signed on 20th February, 1993 and Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) was created. But it failed to fulfill the aspirations of the Bodo people. BAC was created under the state Act and thus it existed at the mercy of State government. It was also mentioned in the agreement that the large forest areas of Indo-Bhutan International border on which the Bodo people are dependant for their daily livelihood would not be included within BAC. Thus, another phase of the movement was launched in 1996 and another agreement was signed on10th February, 2003 and Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was formed. But it also left the Bodo people unsatisfied as Bodo leaders felt that the identity, freedom and all round prosperity of the Bodos, for which the movement was launched, was not realized under BTC also. Thus the Bodoland movement still continues. However, this paper will discuss only the Issues of Human Rights Violation during Bodoland Movement from 1987-1993. Before and after the above mentioned period will not include in the present study.

Issues of Human Rights Violation during Bodoland Movement:
Social movements are launched basically to promote and protect basic human rights of the people. But history has witnessed that it also brings several numbers of violation of rights of the people. Bodoland movement was launched to protect the land, culture, customs and traditions and ethnic identity of the Bodo people. With reference to the right to self determination of the Universal Declaration of Human rights (UDHR) they started movement for the internal self determination of the Bodos. But unfortunately, movement has brought untold sufferings to the people. Excessive police atrocities, mass raid, mass arrest and inhuman tortures were being triggered by the state government upon the ABSU activist and the supporters of the separate Bodoland movement belonging to both Bodo and non-Bodo community. Large number of Bodo women (ranging from minor girl to old women) became the victims of gangrape and molestation.
Initially, the movement for separate Bodoland was a peaceful movement. But it became of violent nature because of the cruel treatment of the state government. In this regard, a quotation from the statement of the Pramila Rani Brahma, the then President of the All Tribal Women Welfare Federation is worth mentioning. She said, ‘Our movement is absolutely peaceful. Most of the violence is being perpetrated by the Assam police and by agents of Assam government. We are peace loving people and have stuck to non-violence despite grave provocations. How can you expect people to stay non-violent when their daughters are being raped and their near and dear ones are being tortured and shot death? I think you should comment the leadership of movement for continuing the agitation peacefully…..’[8]
A Bodo student named Sujit Narzary was killed when some Assamese miscreants threw a stone on him at Tihu Chock on the 12th June, 1987 while they were coming from a mass rally in Gauhaty. Another ABSU volunteer shri Subhas Basumatary had to lose one of his eyes due to that attack. Police forces shot death two ABSU volunteers viz. Kabiram Basumatary and Alendra Basumatary at Lailanpara in Darang district on the 9th September, 1987. Again, Police shot death one ABSU volunteer Obiram Mushahary and seriously injured Shadev Brahma near Serfanguri in Kokrajhar district on the 25th September, 1987.[9] Such attacked on the innocent Bodo people became very common during the Bodoland movement.
One of the darkest pages in the history of Bodoland movement is the incident at No. 12 Bhumka in Kokrajhar district of Assam. In their report to Amnesty International, Presidents of All Bodo Students Union and All Cachar-Karimganj Students Association stated that 9 (nine) Bodo Girls and one old woman at No. 12 Bhumka village in Kokrajhar district of Assam were gangraped by the Assam Police (AP) and Assam Police Task Force (APTF) on the nights of 25th and 27th January of 1988. In fact, rape by the police forces had become so much common during the Bodoland movement that Pramila Rani Brahma, the then President of ATWWF doubt if any Bodo dominated village has escaped the ravages.[10]

bodobook019
Another bloody incident occurred in the late 1989. At the patronage of the Assam government, some Assamese miscreants in connivance with the Assam police forces committed massacres at Gohpur in August and at Rangapara in May, 1989 under Sonitpur district, Simlaguri under Lakhimpur district in August, 1989, Kairabari, Bhakhatpara and Phaorupeta under Dorong district in August, 1989. In those incidents more than 300 innocent Bodo women and children were butchered and over 10,000 Bodo houses were burn down to ashes.[11] More than 15, 0000 Bodo people were settled in relief camps without government relief, rehabilitation and medical care. According to the report of ABSU to the then Prime Minister of India (V.P. Singh), over 200 Bodo inmates died out of starvation and another 93 Bodo inmates died due to lack of medical care in Gohpur itself. However, there are differences of opinion regarding the number of victims in every incident. But there is no doubt that a huge number of people lost their life during the Bodoland movement. According to the record of All Bodo Students Union, at least 1135 Bodo people had lost their life during the Bodoland movement from 1987-93.
Controversial Acts like Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, 1987, Assam Disturbed Areas Act, 1955 and Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 were imposed in the Kokrajhar district of Assam where Bodoland movement was gaining its momentum[12]. Large number of the innocent people became the victim of fake encounter while many other were beaten brutally leading to the lost of their eyes, legs, hands and so on. Thousands of the innocent Bodo people were sent in jail and tortured there. But no compensation was made to the victims and their families.
Atrocities in the name of enforcing law and order in the state still exist in Bodoland Territorial Council region of Assam. For a lasting peace in the region the root causes of the Bodoland movement must be explored and economic backwardness of the region should be addressed at the earliest.

bodominority

Towards the Govt-Naga peace accord: Everything you need to know

nsc05
Here is the story of the long-running Naga insurgency — and the peace moves that picked up pace with the efforts of Prime Ministers from P V Narasimha Rao to Narendra Modi.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh, NSCN (IM) General Secretary, Thuingaleng Muivah, NSA, Ajit Doval and others at the signing ceremony of historic peace accord between Government of India & NSCN, in New Delhi on Monday. (Source: PTI)
How old is the Naga political issue?
The British annexed Assam in 1826, and in 1881, the Naga Hills too became part of British India. The first sign of Naga resistance was seen in the formation of the Naga Club in 1918, which told the Simon Commission in 1929 “to leave us alone to determine for ourselves as in ancient times”. In 1946 came the Naga National Council (NNC), which, under the leadership of Angami Zapu Phizo, declared Nagaland an independent state on August 14, 1947. The NNC resolved to establish a “sovereign Naga state” and conducted a “referendum” in 1951, in which “99 per cent” supported an “independent” Nagaland.
When did the armed movement begin?
On March 22, 1952, Phizo formed the underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) and the Naga Federal Army (NFA). The Government of India sent in the Army to crush the insurgency and, in 1958, enacted the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act.
When did the peace efforts start?

nsc06
Almost simultaneously with the resistance. On June 29, 1947, Assam Governor Sir Akbar Hyderi signed a 9-point agreement with moderates T Sakhrie and Aliba Imti, which was almost immediately rejected by Phizo. The Naga Hills, a district of Assam, was upgraded to a state in 1963, by also adding the Tuensang Tract that was then part of NEFA. In April the next year, Jai Prakash Narain, Assam Chief Minister Bimala Prasad Chaliha and Rev. Michael Scott formed a Peace Mission, and got the government and NNC to sign an agreement to suspend operations that September. But the NNC/NFG/NFA continued to indulge in violence, and after six rounds of talks, the Peace Mission was abandoned in 1967, and a massive counter-insurgency operation launched.
When did the NSCN come into being?
On November 11, 1975, the government got a section of NNC leaders to sign the Shillong Accord, under which this section of NNC and NFG agreed to give up arms. A group of about 140 members led by Thuingaleng Muivah, who were at that time in China, refused to accept the Shillong Accord, and formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland in 1980. Muivah also had Isak Chisi Swu and S S Khaplang with him. In 1988, the NSCN split into NSCN (IM) and NSCN (K) after a violent clash. While the NNC began to fade away, and Phizo died in London in 1991, the NSCN (IM) came to be seen as the “mother of all insurgencies” in the region.
What did the NSCN (IM) want?
A “Greater Nagalim” comprising “all contiguous Naga-inhabited areas”, along with Nagaland. That included several districts of Assam, Arunachal and Manipur, as also a large tract of Myanmar. The map of “Greater Nagalim” has about 1,20,000 sq km, while the state of Nagaland consists of 16,527 sq km. The claims have always kept Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh wary of a peace settlement that might affect their territories. The Nagaland Assembly has endorsed the ‘Greater Nagalim’ demand — “Integration of all Naga-inhabited contiguous areas under one administrative umbrella” — as many as five times: in December 1964, August 1970, September 1994, December 2003 and as recently as on July 27, 2015.
When did NSCN (IM) join peace talks?
Muivah, Swu and other top NSCN (IM) leaders escaped to Thailand in the early 1990s. While Nagaland Governor M M Thomas, a Church leader from Kerala, extracted the first positive response from the NSCN(IM), Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao met Muivah, Swu and others in Paris on June 15, 1995. In November 1995, then MoS (Home) Rajesh Pilot met them in Bangkok. Subsequently, Prime Minister H D Deve Gowda met them in Zurich on February 3, 1997, which was followed by meetings with officers in Geneva and Bangkok. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee met them in Paris on September 30, 1998. The Government of India signed a ceasefire agreement with NSCN (IM) on July 25, 1997, which came into effect on August 1, 1997. Over 80 rounds of talks between the two sides were held subsequently.
How did Prime Minister Modi travel the last mile?
For the NSCN (IM), the Modi government continues from where Vajpayee left. The RSS’s Northeast veteran P B Acharya is currently Nagaland Governor, and Joint Intelligence Committee chairman R N Ravi, with his IB background, is an old Northeast hand. The state’s political scenario has changed, with T R Zeliang’s Naga People’s Front, an NDA ally, persuading all groups in the Assembly, including the Congress, to become partners in an all-party government.
How have Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh reacted?
Leaders cutting across party lines have preferred to wait and watch. Nobody in these three states would allow even an inch of their land to be added to a ‘Greater Nagalim’, if at all that term is part of the accord.
What about S S Khaplang?
In March this year, he abrogated the ceasefire he had signed in 2001, and is sure to oppose the accord. Security forces have been already alerted across Nagaland, Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.
ROAD TO PEACE
AUG 1947: Naga National Council led by Angami Zapu Phizo revolts, NNC subsequently resolves to establish a sovereign Naga state
MAY 1951: After ‘referendum’ NNC claims 99% of Naga people support independence. NNC boycotts first general election of 1952, launches violent secessionist movement
MAR 22, 1956: Phizo creates underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) and a Naga Federal Army (NFA)

nsc5
APR 1956: New Delhi sends Army to crush insurgency in the (then) Naga Hills District of Assam; Phizo escapes to (then) East Pakistan in December and, subsequently, in June 1960, to London
1958: Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act enacted for Naga Hills District
DEC 1, 1963: Nagaland attains statehood
1964: Peace Mission of Jai Prakash Narayan, B P Chaliha and Rev. Michael Scott to Nagaland, an Agreement for Suspension of Operation is signed with insurgents
NOV 11, 1975: Shillong Accord signed between Centre and NNC
1980: Thuingaleng Muivah, Isak Chisi Swu, S S Khaplang form NSCN
1988: NSCN splits, Khole Konyak and Khaplang form NSCN (K)
JUNE 15, 1995: P V Narasimha Rao meets Muivah and Isak in Paris
FEB 3, 1997: Deve Gowda meets NSCN (IM) leadership in Zurich
JULY 25, 1997: India and NSCN (IM) sign ceasefire agreement, which comes into effect on Aug 1
SEP 30, 1998: Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Brajesh Mishra meet NSCN (IM) leaders in Paris
JAN 9-11, 2003: Muivah and Isak hold talks with Vajpayee and Advani in Delhi
DEC 7, 2004: NSCN (IM) leaders meet Manmohan Singh
JULY 31, 2007: Ceasefire between NSCN (IM) and Government of India extended indefinitely.

indianexpress 5-8-15

UDAYACHAL MOVEMENT IN ASSAM – A CASE OF SOCIO-POLITICAL IDENTITY FOR THE BODOS.

ptcamemo67ptcademo67delhigate
Like the Jharkhandis in Central India, the Bodos in Assam are presently agitating for their separate identity and distinct position in the national life of India. Starting as a socio-cultural and economic movement amongst the Bodo-Kachari tribe concentrated in the northern parts of Goalpara, Kamrup and Dar-rang districts of Assam, this movement had the avowed goal of ameliorating cultural, economic and political status of the Bodo people. But now it has developed into a socio-political movement demanding a separate state for the Indian Union, to be known as Udayachal. This movement led by the militant All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) and launched on March, 2, 1987, initially included 92 demands which related itself to many points of vital interests to the Bodos. Subsequently the ABSU dropped as many as 89 non-political demands from its 92-point charter of demands and re-solved to discuss the creation of a separate homeland for the plains tribais of Assam only with the Centre. Adopting a resolution in this regard at the four-day annual conference in December last year the ABSU decided to press for the fulfilment of only three of its political demands. The three demands are: (1) Creation of a separate state called “Bodo land” on the north bank of the Brahmaputra, (2) Creation of a district council in the tribal dominated contiguous areas of south bank, (3) Inclusion of Bodo- Kacharies of Karbi Anglong in the sixth schedule of the Consti-tution.

ptcademo67
With the claim of Mr. Upendra Brahma, President of the ABSU, that the ruling Asom Gana Parishad Government is not interested in solving the tribal problem, it has now decided to talk to the Centre only to solve the tangle. On one side a rumour is afloat that the Bodo movement has the blessings of the central government (Congress I) to thwart the Mahanta Government (AGP) in the state and on the other ABSU is riding rough shod in killing and terrorisingt he non-tribal people in the state to buttress their stand thereby driving the Mahanta Government to sheer desperation. In such a background Assam Chief Minister* Prafulla Kumar Mohanta is already beset by dissensions within the party and large-scale antagonism, from without and he can ill-afford now to turn a deaf ear to the Bodo demand for a separate state of Udayachal.4 The Bodos themselves are not a single tribe but now there is a close feeling of affinity between the various tribes, which go by the name Bodo. Though a separatist movement in Assam it is a unifying movement within the Bodos themselves.6 Actually, the plains tribais movement comprises nine tribais including the Bodos, the Mishings, the Deoris, the Rabhas, the Lalungs, the Mechs, the Hojais, the Sonwal Kacharis, and the Barmans of Cachar – the Bodos and Mishing being the most educated and advanced.
It is claimed that initially the movement had a literary bent: the Bodo Sahitya Sabha founded in 1952 aimed at uniting, the Bodo on the language issue and to work towards developing the Bodo language. It also demanded introduction of the Bodo language in schools existing in the Bodo dominated areas. Bodo as the medium of instruction at primary school level is now conceded only after a prolonged agitation in the early sixties. Later another bloody agitation had to be launched in the early seventies to secure the Roman script for the Bodo language. After much resistance and the loss of 21 lives the Assam Government agreed in 1975 on a compromise. But now the demands have reached such a simmering situation, where any attempt to suppress the agitation would mean a virtual impasse.
Now the question is why are violent separatist movements thrown up so often in Assam and not in other ethnically mixed areas like Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh or Maharashtra? It is probably because of the very fragmented structure of society in Assam, which is just changing from a self-contained agrarian economy to a semi-literate consumer society. In this situation, apparent and perceived injustice intensifies the conflict. In addition to this, there is much turmoil in Assam because its communities are just not ready for co-existence.

ptcademo67delhigate
The Assamese themselves don’t see tribais and non-tribals as having a common future. The Chief Minister, Prafulla Mahanta and Home Minister, Bhrigu Phukan, are perceived as upper caste Assamese Hindu Leaders. Hiteswar Saikia is regarded as an Ahom and central ministers of state Santosh Mohan Deb, and Biren Singh Ingety as Bengali-Kachari and tribal leaders. Binoy Basumatari, MLA, supports the Bodo’s cause which PTCA stalwart Shama Brahma Choudhury, rejects. But none of them has proposed a feasible solution to the Bodo problem. Going back a little into the past history, one finds that there has been trouble in this heterogeneous state since early 1967 when the Plains Tribal Council of Assam (PTCA), the oldest political party for the tribais was formed in order to preserve and protect the cultural, social and political identities of the plain tribais. In 1968, the PTCA launched a campaign to boycott the general election that year particularly in the Kokrajhar Parliamentary Constituency in Assam which is the only reserved seat for tribais out of the 14 Parliamentary seats in the state. In their bid to stop candidates from filing nominations many tribais received bullet injuries at the hands of the police and were subjected to police torture. This proved to be proverbial last straw and the tribal’s grievances snowballed. A map of the proposed “Udayachal” state was prepared and memoranda supporting their demands was submitted to Indira Gandhi, President, V.V. Giri and also to the Home ministry.
The question really is why did the Bodos become so very radical and what really unites them? Among the several causes that might be ascribed to the unrest-oriented solidarity of the Bodos, the mythological, constitutional, cultural, economic educational and political ones seem to be more vivid and discerning. Besides, it is also felt that the PTCA did not press seriously for Bodo claims during prolonged negotiations that preceded the North Eastern Areas (Reorganisation) Act, 1971.
Mythologically it is believed, that during their 12 year’s exile the Pandavas came to the North-east of India. Here Bhima, the second Pandava, married Hidimba, the demoness. Several Bodo tribes claim their descent from this marriage.10 Rajaji had once observed that the mythological facts of Ramayana and Maha-bharata have more influence on the Indian mind than all the historical facts. Now it is becoming true in case of the Bodos. Ethnologically the Bodo race is spread from the Purnea district of Bihar to the far corners of Assam along the Northern bank of Brahmaputra upto Sadia in Arunachal Pradesh. The forest areas along the foot hills of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh was a very difficult area in the past for civilised people to survive against weather, thick forests, mosquitoes and herds of wild elephants etc. It is here that the Bodos have lived and their heaviest concentration now is in the Kokrajhar sub-division of Goalpara district. If a separate state is ever formed Kokrajhar will be its capital. According to maps distributed by them the total population of Udayachal will be 12 lakhs out of which Bodos will be 8 lakhs. However, according to a statement made by the Chief Minister in the Assam State Assembly the proposed state of Udayachal, as demanded by the PTCA comprises of the juris-diction of 24 Police stations in the district of Goalpara, Kamrupa Darrang and Lakhimpur. In none of these police stations the plains tribais would be in majority. The population of the state will be around 34 lakhs out of which the plains tribais will ac-count for about 1′ lakh people only. The scattered and sparse nature of the settlements of the Plains tribais is a big argument against it. But what really inspires them, despite their scattered population is perhaps the superimposed mythology, they have belived in, over the years.
On another plain according to some sections, the most important aspect of the Bodo problem is supposed to be the “Constitutional discrimination” against them which obstructs their legitimate desire to maintain their own social, cultural, political and religious identities as opposed to those of the Assamese non-tribals. Under the State Reorganisation Act and Art. 224(a) of the Indian Constitution, as applicable to Assam, the central government enjoys the authority to grant limited autonomy to the hill districts of Assam for the protection of the hill tribais and retention of their socio-economic and political identities. The tribal population in the Assam plains are totally excluded from the purview of Art. 244 (A).13 In the same vein, the sixth schedule of the Councils for each hill district, Assam included, which is to be elected by people of those districts. These powerful district councils are in charge of the land and education of the hill people and deal in local taxes to be levied on the population. The District Councils also help in preventing the influx of outsiders into the hill districts besides preserving the hill peoples’ tribal tradition and culture.
The plains tribais are once again perhaps inadvertently, left out from the ambit of the sixth schedule. The sixth schedule was amended by the Lok Sabha on November 29, 1988 with regard to Mizoram and Tripura by granting greater autonomy to the governors of these states towards the aspirations of the tribais, but not with regard to Assam. “Constitutional discrimination”, as alleged by the plains tribais of Assam, is still more evident in the fifths Schedule of the Constitution which sanctions state level committees for the economic development and welfare of the tribal people all over India to be constituted, except in the case of the plains tribais of Assam. This was mainly perhaps because of the presumption that the plains tribais would ultimately undergo assimilation with the larger community in Assam. This differentiation between the hill tribais and the plains tribais (Bodos) and the consequent special provisions extended to the hill tribais is at the root of ferment among the Bodos today. “So the plains tribais of Assam are deprived of protection to their identity in everyway”, says Pranoy Musahary, Secretary of the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee, a Bodo, who was involved in the Bodo movement until very lately.15 Further, while the hill tribais are exempted from income tax through the offices of the district councils, the plains tribais are not.
The most significant point in this atmosphere is that, since the plains tribais are poor and backward in many fronts, they are unable to compete with their more resourceful and affluent non-tribal neighbours. Therefore, the resulting process of loss of identity of the plains tribais the Bodos is the main cause of their un-rest. This realisation among the Bodos has been further accentuated by the tremendous progress made by the hill tribes in Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland. The Mizos in the Lushai hills, the Nagas in the Naga hills and the Khasis, Jaintias and the Garos in the present Meghalaya – have been able to establish their separate distinct identity. Even the tribais in Karbi Anglong and North Cachar hills in Assam have enjoyed limited autonomy due to the autonomous district councils. But during all earlier formulation on the north-east, the Bodos have been ignored.16
Yet another awkward situation has arisen out the ownership of land among the tribais. As matters stand, many of the tribais in the plains of Assam are totally landless to-day. This has de-prived them of their sole means of livelihood, i.e., agriculture. This is particularly invidious to the tribais, since, as they rightly claim, they are the true “sons of the soil” and the oldest inhabitants of Assam. According to some, land alienation is the primary problem of the Bodos who subsist on a simple paddy-based economy. No doubt that the state Congress government had created a number of “tribal belts” and “blocks” (around 40 of them) in 1950, in which only tribais and scheduled castes can own land, but the encroachments and land grabbings still continue unabated. Due to the large number of encroachers eviction from these belts and blocks is virtually impossible today. Bodo leaders allege that besides this encroachment, the State Government has taken away as many as six lakh acres for government projects. In fact the present Capital of Dispur stands on land which once belonged to the tribais. As many as 60 per cent of the Bodos are said to be landless today. Thus with reduced land holdings, they are forced to enter reserve forests ultimately. But the AGP government after assuming power, passed a law legitimising the eviction of “unauthorised persons” staying in the forests and other reserved lands. As a result, the tribais were forcefully evicted, beaten mercilessly and their houses were burnt. The Bodo tribais, therefore have now taken the lead in raising their voices of protest against such inequities, charging that the AGP is actually anti-tribal and that its main target is the tribal population of Assam. The AGP’s “foreigners” issue is simply an “eyewash”, according to the tribal leaders.18
Bodo leaders today further allege that their youths who have no knowledge of Assamese do not stand any chance of gaining employment in the state. In this context, they cite the example of an advertisement of the state secretariat published in June, 1986, for lower division clerks which insisted on knowledge of Assamese as an essential qualification. Though such requisites are no longer being mentioned in the print following protests by Bodo leaders, they complain that it is strictly followed in princi-ple.19 Previously in February 1986, the Secondary Board of Education in Assam issued a circular making Assamese a compulsory language in all schools which incensed the Bodos and other non- Assamese communities in the State, Though it was later revoked, the Bodos did feel that this was an attempt by the “chauvinist Assamese” to dominate the tribais. In the North Kachar Hills, this issue was a vital one which prevented the AGP from grabbing power there.
To-day, the Bodo question in Assam is a multi-faceted issue covering both land alienation and socio-cultural or linguistic problems, as the main undercurrents. Following the GNLF pat-tern and perhaps being inspired by their success the ABSU, now demands talks with the Centre, after it allegedly received the cold shoulder from the state government. The Bodo agitation merely highlights the failure of Indian democracy as currently practiced to meet the aspirations of small backward communities. Ruling majorities throughout the country are indifferent to their needs. Politically powerless minority groups inevitably turn to be violent when left unheeded and uncared. The remedy therefore lies in carrying democracy to common people and letting them have their socio-cultural identity within the framework of the Constitution and providing facility for these types of infra-nationalities to grow with flower and foliage.