The Bodos has only “One-Problem”: And the Problem is “No-Problem”.

noproblem5

Bodo phwra mwnselw problem dwng, be problem ya jabai no problem. What is the problems with Bodos? Ajikali Bodo phwra mwnselw problem, be problem ya jabai no problem arw be no problem yanw jabai real problem. ABSU no problem, BPF no problem,PCDR no problem, BNC no problem, BSU no roblem,PJACBM no problem, NDFB-S, NDFB-R, NDFB-R no problems, BSS no problems?.
1.We have no problems with daimalu’s curse., No Bodoland, No Problem!
2.Joint Action Committees, no problem
3.No school, no college, BODO students failed exams “No-Problem”
4.All-BODOS…All Tribal….OBORO, no problem
5.Landowners, no lands, no problems

बोडो केवल “एक समस्या” है: और इस समस्या “नहीं, समस्या” है।
एक समस्या “बोडो ही है:” “और इस समस्या है” नहीं, समस्या “हमारे बीच दुश्मनी को जन्म देती है कि हमारे बीटीसी की वास्तविक समस्या है” और है कि। “कोई समस्या।
1. हम JACs बनाने में “नहीं, समस्या” और Bandhs, आम हड़ताल, blockades कहा जाता है और क्या नहीं है; विभिन्न मूर्खतापूर्ण और छोटे मुद्दों पर। एक दिन दूर नहीं है; एक व्यक्ति के कारण उसकी / उसके पति के साथ झगड़ा कर के उसकी / उसके इलाके के भीतर एक बांध पर कब कॉल करेंगे।
2. हमारे छात्रों HSLC, एचएससी और कॉलेज परीक्षा के दौरान सामूहिक नकल अभ्यास में “नहीं, समस्या” है: हमारी शिक्षा प्रणाली अपंग जो; मैं “अध्यात्म के बिना शिक्षा” “विकलांग-साक्षरों” या कहा जाता है, क्या बड़े पैमाने पर उत्पादन के लिए अग्रणी।

एक बाधा व्यक्ति यह मौजूद है, हालांकि शरीर के लिए उसका / उसकी अपंग भागों का उपयोग करने में सक्षम नहीं है। उसी तरह, हम कई संयुक्त राष्ट्र के प्रयोग करने योग्य डिग्री धारकों का उत्पादन किया। हमारे राज्य में शिक्षा के परिवर्तन के लिए, कई अन्य बातों के अलावा, यह “आध्यात्मिकता के साथ शिक्षा” है वांछनीय है।

3. हम, “.. ऑल बोडो …. सभी OBORO” जैसे शब्दों का प्रयोग करने में “नो-समस्या ‘है’ सभी आदिवासी … सभी गैर आदिवासी ….” आदि, जबकि गठन स्टूडेंट्स यूनियन, या संगठनों के किसी भी प्रकार है: हमारे संचालन और प्रभाव का क्षेत्र है, जबकि केवल एक विशिष्ट क्षेत्र तक ही सीमित हैं।

हमें बोडो समाज को बदलने के क्रम में एक दूसरे के प्रति हमारा रवैया बदलने करते हैं।

বোড়ো শুধুমাত্র “এক সমস্যা” আছে: এবং সমস্যা “কোন সমস্যা” হয়.
এক-সমস্যা “বোড়ো শুধুমাত্র আছে” “: এবং সমস্যা হয়” কোন সমস্যা “আমাদের মধ্যে শত্রুতা প্রজাতির যে আমাদের বিটিসি রিয়েল সমস্যা হয়” এবং যে. “কোন সমস্যা.
1. আমরা JACS গঠন “কোন সমস্যা” এবং Bandhs, সাধারণ ধর্মঘট, অবরোধ ডেকে কি না আছে; বিভিন্ন অর্থহীন ও ক্ষুদ্র বিষয়ে. একদিন দূরে নয়; একজন ব্যক্তির কারণ তার / তার পত্নী সঙ্গে ঝগড়া তার / তার এলাকায় মধ্যে একটি বনধের আহবান করবেন.
2. আমাদের ছাত্র HSLC, এইচএসসি ও কলেজ পরীক্ষার সময় গণ-অনুলিপি করা অনুশীলন “কোন সমস্যা” আছে: আমাদের শিক্ষা ব্যবস্থায় বিকল যা; আমি “আধ্যাত্মিকতা ছাড়া শিক্ষা” “প্রতিবন্ধী-শিক্ষার্থী” বা, কি বলা ব্যাপক উৎপাদন নেতৃস্থানীয়.

একটি খুঁত ব্যক্তি অনুগ্রহ করে ফাইলটার অস্তিত্ব যদিও শরীরের তার / তার বিকল অংশ ব্যবহার করতে সক্ষম নয়. একই ভাবে, আমরা অনেক অ-উপভোগ্য ডিগ্রী হোল্ডার উত্পাদিত. আমাদের রাজ্য শিক্ষা রূপান্তরের জন্য, অন্যান্য অনেক বিষয়ের মধ্যে, এটা “আধ্যাত্মিকতা সঙ্গে শিক্ষা” আছে আকাঙ্খিত.

3. আমরা “.. সব বোড়ো …. সব OBORO” মত শব্দ ব্যবহার করে “কোন সমস্যা” আছে ‘সমস্ত উপজাতীয় … সব উপজাতীয় …. “ইত্যাদি, যখন গঠন ছাত্র ইউনিয়ন, বা সংগঠন যে কোন ধরণের: আমাদের কর্মক্ষম এবং প্রভাব এলাকায় যেহেতু শুধুমাত্র একটি নির্দিষ্ট এলাকায় সীমাবদ্ধ করা হয়.

আমাদের বোডো সোসাইটি পরিবর্তন যাতে তারা একে অন্যের প্রতি আমাদের মনোভাব পরিবর্তন করা যাক.
The Bodos has only “One-Problem”: And the Problem is “No-Problem”.
“Bodos has only “One-Problem”: And the Problem is” No-Problem”. And that “No-Problem” is the Real-Problem of our BTC that breeds Hostility among us.
1. We have “No-Problem” in forming JACs and called Bandhs, General Strike, Blockades and what not; on various silly & petty issues. A day is not far; when a person will call a Bandh within his/her locality because of quarrelling with his/her spouse.
2. Our students have “No-Problem” in practising Mass-copying during HSLC, HSC and College Exams: which crippled our educational system; leading to mass production of what I called “Handicapped-Literates” or, “Education without Spirituality”.

A handicap person is not able to use his/her crippled parts of the body though it exists. In the same way, we produced many un-usable degree holders. For educational transformation in our State, among many other things, it is desirable to have “Education with spirituality”.

3. We have “No-Problem” in using words like “All-Bodos….ALL OBORO..”, ‘All Tribal…ALL non Tribal….” etc, while forming Students’ Union, or any kind of organisations: whereas our operational and area of influence are confined to one specific area only.

Let us change our Attitude towards one another in order to change Bodo Society.

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BODOS has only “One-Problem”: And the Problem is “No-Problem”.

Bodo phwrni problem.

daimalu

Ajikali Bodo phwra mwnselw problem, be problem ya jabai no problem arw be no problem yanw jabai real problem.

  1. We have no problems with daimalu’s curse.
  2. Joint Action Committees, no problem
  3. No school, no college, Bnabdhs, BODO students failed exams “No-Problem”
  4. All-BODOS…All Tribal….OBORO, no problem
  5. Landowners, no lands, no problems

BODOS has only “One-Problem”: And the Problem is “No-Problem”.

Nowadays, the BODOS has only one Problem and the problem is No Problem.  And that No Problem is the Real Problem of our real condition that breeds Hostility among Bodos.

noproble3

Our no problems are as follows.

  1. We have no problems with daimalu’s curse. Jwhwlao Daimalu is perceived to be a hero of the ancient golden period of the Bodos. Today, he is imprinted as the cause of the Bodo people‘s tragedy because it is believed that he had cursed the Bodos after he was betrayed by his clans. A statue of Jwhwlao Daimalu carrying his bow and arrows can be seen pointing his hand to the sky near the national highway of India in the Kharigaon village of Kokrajhar District. Jwhwlao Daimalu was a senior official during the reign of King Iragdao. It is said that the brave Daimalu along with his troops had defeated the King of Burma and had brought white elephants as souvenirs of victory.

The Curse

As an article of faith, God had appeared in Daimalu’s dream. The God offered Jwhwlao supernatural powers by asking him to draw a finger out of five. Out of greed, Jwhwlao had grabbed all the five fingers. Consequently, Daimalu got all the powers equipped to the five fingers but at the same time he was cursed to be betrayed by his kins. Daimalu had become very powerful as time passed on. The colleagues of Daimalu became jealous of his bravery and power: he could fight and defeat two elephants at the same time. So, the colleagues somehow made the king go against Daimalu and Jwhwlao was put to prison. But no one could kill him because of the blessings of God. Then the officials brought Daimalu’s stepmother to meet him and they somehow managed to turn her against him. She was able to find out that Daimalu could be killed only if they poured molten lead (“sheha” in Bodo) into his ears. In this way, the officials were able to assassinate Daimalu. But just before his death, Daimalu had cursed the Bodo community that they would never prosper!

noproble7

Let us try to change our outlook towards one another in order to change the reality of BODOS.

  1. We, the BODOS have “No-Problem” in forming many Joint Action Committees, peace committee, civil societies, NGOs and call Bandhs, General Strike, Blockades and what not; on a variety of impractical and insignificant issues. A day is not far; when a person will call a Bandh within their locality because of quarrelling with their spouse.
  2. Our BODO students have “No-Problem” in practising Mass unsuccessful attempt in examinations or mass copying during HSLC, HSC and College Exams: which crippled our educational system; leading to mass production of what we called “Handicapped-Literates” or, “Education without Spirituality”. Our students have “No-Problem” in mass school, college dropout without any regrets. A handicap person is not able to use his/her crippled parts of the body though it exists. In the same way, we produced many un-usable degree holders. For educational transformation in our State, among many other things, it is desirable to have “Education with spirituality”.
  1. We have “No-Problem” in using words like “All-BODOS……”, ‘All Tribal…….” etc, while forming Students’ Union, or any kind of organisations: whereas our operational and area of influence are confined to one specific area only.

noproble6
The current breaches and discrepancies among the different communities in our region could have been avoided or lessened to some extent significantly; had our organisations with the pre-fixed “All-BODOS” been functioning and lived up to their names. In our opinion, confining our activities only in one particular area and shouting ” BODOS INTEGRITY ” whenever any problems crops-up will have little impact. Our suggestions may sound funny; and many may ask us: who are you to advise us on what we ought to do. But if we really Love BODOS & If we prefix our organisations as “All-BODOS” then we should work for what our name stands for.  And we need to go the Extra-Mile. We all know what can be done to create oneness & communal integrity among us.

noproble21

  1. We, the BODOS have “No-Problem” in naming ourselves as “Self-Styled Landowners” of certain areas. We also have “No-Problem” in distorting the past glorious history of another community and called them with many unwanted names. God has given us this paradise-like beautiful land of BODOS. But we created boundaries and bark against one another unnecessarily.
  2. We have “No-Problem” in keeping pending for 40 years to upgrade a small district to the status of a full-fledged State; though it has all the criteria needed for a State. This is shameful for the largest democratic country in the world celebrating its 65th Independence Day to take more than 40 years in not declaring a state.

The list can go on and this tabloid will not be able to contain if we write down all the “No-Problem” statement engulfing our State. Let me end with these very common seven “No-Problems” which are the Real-Problems of BODOS. We have no problems with daimalu’s curse. Jwhwlao Daimalu is perceived to be a hero of the ancient golden period of the Bodos. Today, he is imprinted as the cause of the Bodo people‘s tragedy because it is believed that he had cursed the Bodos after he was betrayed by his clans. A statue of Jwhwlao Daimalu carrying his bow and arrows can be seen pointing his hand to the sky near the national highway of India in the Kharigaon village of Kokrajhar District.

Jwhwlao Daimalu was a senior official during the reign of King Iragdao. It is said that the brave Daimalu along with his troops had defeated the King of Burma and had brought white elephants as souvenirs of victory.

The Curse

As an article of faith, God had appeared in Daimalu’s dream. The God offered Jwhwlao supernatural powers by asking him to draw a finger out of five. Out of greed, Jwhwlao had grabbed all the five fingers. Consequently, Daimalu got all the powers equipped to the five fingers but at the same time he was cursed to be betrayed by his kins. Daimalu had become very powerful as time passed on. The colleagues of Daimalu became jealous of his bravery and power: he could fight and defeat two elephants at the same time. So, the colleagues somehow made the king go against Daimalu and Jwhwlao was put to prison. But no one could kill him because of the blessings of God. Then the officials brought Daimalu’s stepmother to meet him and they somehow managed to turn her against him. She was able to find out that Daimalu could be killed only if they poured molten lead (“sheha” in Bodo) into his ears. In this way, the officials were able to assassinate Daimalu. But just before his death, Daimalu had cursed the Bodo community that they would never prosper! Let us try to change our outlook towards one another in order to change the reality of BODOS.

noproblem1

 

Who knows Bodoland? Who knows Nagaland? Who Knows Manipur? Who knows Tripura? Who knows North East India? Untill they take Guns! Is the Gun culture only way to get attention of Indian Govt?

btc01 btc02 btc03 btc04 btcphizo btcmizo btcmanpur

Bodoland khw swar mabaidi mithikhw? Who knows Bodoland Or BTC or BTAD?  Who knows Nagaland? It is because of Phizo on 14 Augst, 1947 who revolted againt India.Who knows manipur? Because the Manipur Kingdom of Manipur was merged with the Indian Union on 15 October 1949. Who knows Tripura? Because on 9 September 1949, the queen of Tripura signed the ‘Tripura Merger Agreement’, and with effect from 15 October 1949 Tripura became part of Indian Union. It was thereafter administered by the Chief Commissioner as a ‘C’ Category State.

Who knows Bodoland or BTC or BTAD?

The official Bodoland Movement for an independent state of Bodoland started on March 2, 1987 under the leadership of Upendranath Brahma of the All Bodo Students’ Union(ABSU).After Upendra Brahma,an Assam revolution member himself when denied ticket to contest loksabha election, returned home to create a separatist group with the intension to move Bodos away from Assam. The ABSU created a political organization, the Bodo Peoples’ Action Committee (BPAC), to spearhead the movement. The ABSU/BPAC movement began with the slogan “Divide Assam 50-50”. The ABSU/BPAC leadership of the movement ended with the bipartite Bodo Accord of February 20, 1993 and the creation of the BAC. The accord soon collapsed amidst a vertical split in ABSU and other Bodo political parties brought about mainly by the split between S. K. Bwiswmuthiary and Premsingh Brahma, and violence erupted in Bodo areas leading to a displacement of over 70,000 people.

The February 10 MoU gives the Bodos a politico-administrative structure called the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) with a total of 3,082 villages and four districts to be carved out of existing districts by a Delimitation Commission. The BTC, that has come up under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, will have 46 seats: 30 reserved for Scheduled Tribes, five for non-tribals, five open to all communities, and six seats to be nominated by the State Governor. It will also have 40 departments transferred by the State Government to its control, receive a Rs. 100-crore assistance a year for five years to develop the socio-economic infrastructure in BTC areas, a Centrally-funded university and a Central institute of technology. The BLT is to be disbanded and disarmed within a week of the formation of the BTC’s interim committee that can be in power for a maximum of six months till the first elections to the Council are held.

Assam, one of the seven states of the northeastern region of India, has long remained one of the most volatile and sensitive regions in the country because of the problems of insurgency, ethnic conflict, pressure of migration, underdevelopment etc. Bodos, the largest plains tribe of Assam started an armed struggle for a separate state in the mid-1980s. This armed struggle led to ethnic cleansing of the non-Bodos along the north bank of the Brahmaputra. The Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) Accord was signed in 1993 and the Bodoland movement became more violent during the later part of the 1990s. In February 2003, the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) Accord was signed to end the one-and-a-half decade long bodo movement. The success of this new Accord will solely depend upon proper implementation of its changes and the cooperation between the Bodo and non-Bodo communities. The non-Bodos within the proposed BTC area are opposing the new Accord, as under the modified Sixth Schedule of the Constitution it provides special facilities to 25 per cent of the Bodos at the cost of 75 per cent non-Bodos within the proposed BTC area. This new Accord under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution may give birth to some new ethnic problems in Assam.

Can NRC save Bodoland?

bodominority
As per the 2011 census of India, the total population in the four districts under BTC is: 31,81,149.
• Bodo population: 8,59,731 (27.28 per cent)
• Muslims: 6,13,593 (19.47 per cent)
• Bengali Hindus: 4,09,109 (12.38 per cent)
• Tea Tribals: 3,70,428 (11.75 per cent)
• Koch Rajbongshi: 2,46,137 (7.81 per cent)
• Other tribal: 1,96,000 (6.22 per cent)
• Scheduled Caste: 1,71,632 (5.44 per cent)
• Assamese Hindus: 1,60,864 (4.02 per cent)
• Nepali: 1,15,870 (3.37 per cent)
• Hindi speaking people: 37,785 (1.19 per cent)
Late Congress leader from Assam, Deb Kant Barua had proclaimed his party Indian national Congress would forever win elections in Assam with the help of Alis or Bengali Muslims and coolies or tea garden labour.
Assam policy by New Delhi’s had been guided by these three politicians from Assam: Deb Kant Barua who made a popular slogan “Indira is India, and India is Indira”, Moinul Haque Chowdhry, past private secretary to Jinnah and a Cabinet minister in the 1960s, and Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, an extra Cabinet minister in 1960s who later became President of India. These three leaders welcomed with open arms infiltrators from East Pakistan. These infiltrators were given ration cards, and their names were rapidly and meticulously entered in to the electoral rolls.
For decades Assam has been a victim of silent but deadly invasion of mass migration from Bengal. Way back in 1931, the British Census Superintendent expressed grave concern over the Assamese people getting engulfed by this influx.
Census 2011: Assam records highest rise in Muslim population.
The most rapid rise in the share of Muslims in the total population was witnessed in Assam.
Here are some key findings of the 2011 census data on the Muslim population in India:
*Nationally, percentage of Muslims in total population went up from 13.4% in 2001 to 14.2% in 2011.
*Assam recorded highest increase in share of Muslims, from 30.9% of the state’s population to 34.2%.
* Manipur was the only state to show a fall in Muslim population.

*Other states that showed high increase in share of population are Uttarakhand (2 percentage points), Kerala (1.9), West Bengal (1.8), Goa (1.6) and J&K (1.3).

*Lowest rise in Meghalaya, Odisha and Arunachal (0.1 percentage points)

*J&K (68.3%), Assam (34.2) and Bengal (27%) have largest share of Muslims.

In Assam, districts with the highest Muslim populations include, in descending order: Dhubri (74.3 per cent); Barpeta (59.4 per cent); Hailakandi (57.6 per cent); Goalpara (53.7 per cent); Karimganj (52.3 per cent); Nagaon (51 per cent); Marigaon 47.6 per cent); Bongaigaon (38.5 per cent); Cachar (36.1 per cent); Darrang (35.5 per cent); Nalbari (22.1 per cent); Kokrajhar (20.4 per cent). Thus, six districts already have Muslim majority; four others are on the way to having it.
During a visit to Guwahati in 1946, Md Ali Jinnah boasted that he had Assam in his pocket. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto threatened to create another Kashmir in Assam. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in his book Eastern Pakistan: Its Population, Delimitation and Economics, wrote, “Eastern Pakistan must include Assam to be financially and economically strong.” Many intellectuals in Bangladesh have candidly advocated lebensraum (living space) for Bangladesh in Assam. During the Second World War, Sir Mohammad S’adaulla, chief minister of Assam, gave such a big fillip to this influx that even the Viceroy Lord Wavell was constrained to record his disapproval.
At some stage in the Second World War, Sir Mohammad S’adaulla, chief minister of Assam, gave such a big fillip to this influx that even the Viceroy Lord Wavell was constrained to record his disapproval. During a visit to Guwahati in 1946, Jinnah boasted that he had Assam in his pocket. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto threatened to create another Kashmir in Assam. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in his book Eastern Pakistan: Its Population, Delimitation and Economics, wrote, “Eastern Pakistan must comprise Assam to be financially and economically strong.” Many intellectuals in Bangladesh have openly advocated lebensraum (living space) for Bangladesh in Assam.
Late B.K. Nehru, governor of Assam in the 1960s and B.P. Chaliha, then chief minister, sought to raise the issue but were purposefully restrained. In the late 1979-85s, when students of Assam led a very strong and entirely peaceful mass movement against foreigners, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said she did not know who the foreigners were that the students were talking about; in any case, if there were foreigners in Assam and the Assamese did not want them, they could be settled in other states! Such lofty, touching concern – not for Indians but for foreign infiltrators.
During 1998, Assam governor Lt. Gen. (retd) S.K. Sinha submitted a 42-page report to the President of India, pointing out that these illegal migrants were not only changing the demography of Assam but posing a serious threat to national security, and made several recommendations. Assam’s chief minister then and at present criticized what he saw as Sinha’s constitutional impropriety in raking up Bangladeshi migrants’ issue and asked the Centre to restrain him. He said he was unaware of any Bangladeshi illegal migrants in Assam. With leaders like these, the country needs no enemies.
The artificial ignorance, the deliberate lack of sympathy, the determined effort to put down anyone who raises the issue continues unchanged to this day.
Those who came in as illiterate, helpless labourers looking for shelter and livelihood have changed almost into kingmakers. In several assembly constituencies of Assam, Bangladeshi Muslims are in a position to swing the election result. No political party can afford to disregard their electoral blow. The one-time refuge seekers now control their hosts, including secularist politicians.
To identify the illegal Bangladeshis will be difficult jobs if the citizens are accurately educated. Assam govt has big role to solve the illegal immigrant issues. Probably, the ongoing NRC will only make all illegal Bangladeshis legal citizens of Assam. If nothing important step is taken, illegal immigrants will certainly going to outnumber the indigenous population of Bodoland as we as Assam shortly.

Can NRC save Bodoland?

bodominority
As per the 2011 census of India, the total population in the four districts under BTC is: 31,81,149.
• Bodo population: 8,59,731 (27.28 per cent)
• Muslims: 6,13,593 (19.47 per cent)
• Bengali Hindus: 4,09,109 (12.38 per cent)
• Tea Tribals: 3,70,428 (11.75 per cent)
• Koch Rajbongshi: 2,46,137 (7.81 per cent)
• Other tribal: 1,96,000 (6.22 per cent)
• Scheduled Caste: 1,71,632 (5.44 per cent)
• Assamese Hindus: 1,60,864 (4.02 per cent)
• Nepali: 1,15,870 (3.37 per cent)
• Hindi speaking people: 37,785 (1.19 per cent)
Late Congress leader from Assam, Deb Kant Barua had proclaimed his party Indian national Congress would forever win elections in Assam with the help of Alis or Bengali Muslims and coolies or tea garden labour.
Assam policy by New Delhi’s had been guided by these three politicians from Assam: Deb Kant Barua who made a popular slogan “Indira is India, and India is Indira”, Moinul Haque Chowdhry, past private secretary to Jinnah and a Cabinet minister in the 1960s, and Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, an extra Cabinet minister in 1960s who later became President of India. These three leaders welcomed with open arms infiltrators from East Pakistan. These infiltrators were given ration cards, and their names were rapidly and meticulously entered in to the electoral rolls.
For decades Assam has been a victim of silent but deadly invasion of mass migration from Bengal. Way back in 1931, the British Census Superintendent expressed grave concern over the Assamese people getting engulfed by this influx.
Census 2011: Assam records highest rise in Muslim population.
The most rapid rise in the share of Muslims in the total population was witnessed in Assam.
Here are some key findings of the 2011 census data on the Muslim population in India:
*Nationally, percentage of Muslims in total population went up from 13.4% in 2001 to 14.2% in 2011.
*Assam recorded highest increase in share of Muslims, from 30.9% of the state’s population to 34.2%.
* Manipur was the only state to show a fall in Muslim population.

*Other states that showed high increase in share of population are Uttarakhand (2 percentage points), Kerala (1.9), West Bengal (1.8), Goa (1.6) and J&K (1.3).

*Lowest rise in Meghalaya, Odisha and Arunachal (0.1 percentage points)

*J&K (68.3%), Assam (34.2) and Bengal (27%) have largest share of Muslims.

In Assam, districts with the highest Muslim populations include, in descending order: Dhubri (74.3 per cent); Barpeta (59.4 per cent); Hailakandi (57.6 per cent); Goalpara (53.7 per cent); Karimganj (52.3 per cent); Nagaon (51 per cent); Marigaon 47.6 per cent); Bongaigaon (38.5 per cent); Cachar (36.1 per cent); Darrang (35.5 per cent); Nalbari (22.1 per cent); Kokrajhar (20.4 per cent). Thus, six districts already have Muslim majority; four others are on the way to having it.
During a visit to Guwahati in 1946, Md Ali Jinnah boasted that he had Assam in his pocket. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto threatened to create another Kashmir in Assam. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in his book Eastern Pakistan: Its Population, Delimitation and Economics, wrote, “Eastern Pakistan must include Assam to be financially and economically strong.” Many intellectuals in Bangladesh have candidly advocated lebensraum (living space) for Bangladesh in Assam. During the Second World War, Sir Mohammad S’adaulla, chief minister of Assam, gave such a big fillip to this influx that even the Viceroy Lord Wavell was constrained to record his disapproval.
At some stage in the Second World War, Sir Mohammad S’adaulla, chief minister of Assam, gave such a big fillip to this influx that even the Viceroy Lord Wavell was constrained to record his disapproval. During a visit to Guwahati in 1946, Jinnah boasted that he had Assam in his pocket. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto threatened to create another Kashmir in Assam. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, in his book Eastern Pakistan: Its Population, Delimitation and Economics, wrote, “Eastern Pakistan must comprise Assam to be financially and economically strong.” Many intellectuals in Bangladesh have openly advocated lebensraum (living space) for Bangladesh in Assam.
Late B.K. Nehru, governor of Assam in the 1960s and B.P. Chaliha, then chief minister, sought to raise the issue but were purposefully restrained. In the late 1979-85s, when students of Assam led a very strong and entirely peaceful mass movement against foreigners, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi said she did not know who the foreigners were that the students were talking about; in any case, if there were foreigners in Assam and the Assamese did not want them, they could be settled in other states! Such lofty, touching concern – not for Indians but for foreign infiltrators.
During 1998, Assam governor Lt. Gen. (retd) S.K. Sinha submitted a 42-page report to the President of India, pointing out that these illegal migrants were not only changing the demography of Assam but posing a serious threat to national security, and made several recommendations. Assam’s chief minister then and at present criticized what he saw as Sinha’s constitutional impropriety in raking up Bangladeshi migrants’ issue and asked the Centre to restrain him. He said he was unaware of any Bangladeshi illegal migrants in Assam. With leaders like these, the country needs no enemies.
The artificial ignorance, the deliberate lack of sympathy, the determined effort to put down anyone who raises the issue continues unchanged to this day.
Those who came in as illiterate, helpless labourers looking for shelter and livelihood have changed almost into kingmakers. In several assembly constituencies of Assam, Bangladeshi Muslims are in a position to swing the election result. No political party can afford to disregard their electoral blow. The one-time refuge seekers now control their hosts, including secularist politicians.
To identify the illegal Bangladeshis will be difficult jobs if the citizens are accurately educated. Assam govt has big role to solve the illegal immigrant issues. Probably, the ongoing NRC will only make all illegal Bangladeshis legal citizens of Assam. If nothing important step is taken, illegal immigrants will certainly going to outnumber the indigenous population of Bodoland as we as Assam shortly.

Bodoland movement and Fratricidal Clashes to fake and secret encounter killing! When and who will stop the killings in Bodoland?

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The history of the intra-group clashes among the Bodos start has started after the withdrawal of „Udayachal‟ which was demanded by the PTCA since 1967. The ABSU leaders withdrawed support from PTCA movement and intended to lead the Bodoland demand with their new charismatic leader Upendra Nath Brahma with a eternal slogan Divide Assam 50:50. Many PTCA leaders were assaulted in the hands of ABSU supporters for their betrayal towards the Bodo as well as whole tribal. Though there were loggerheads but, there was no fratricidal killing was recorded at that period. And till date it is a mystery which is happening frequently among different groups. The Bodoland demand movement in Assam was first started democratically and soon culminated into an extremist movement and two groups viz., National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and Boro Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) played an instrumental role in the process. Both the NDFB and BLTF demand Bodoland, but BLTF demanded a separate state within India; on the other hand,the NDFB has been demanding a sovereign Bodoland outside the Indian union or secession from Indian Union. This ideological difference cause strong loggerheads between the two groups. This caused many fratricidal killings. The demand of BLTF has been partially fulfilled by the formation of Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), ignoring the demand of NDFB. But, soon after the BTC formation each group became thirsty each others’ blood. So far, the Government authorities have not formulated or adopted any long-term strategy for a permanent solution to Bodo Terrorism; rather, they stratified the Bodo leadership and co-opted the middle class by negotiating with their demands. Meanwhile, some more militants have declined to lay down their arms. In view of these developments, this paper examined the factors responsible for the fratricidal killings, the major incidents of fratricidal killings and the strategies that have been exercising by Bodo organisations in dealing with the same.

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The Bodos have been demanding Bodoland comprising whole North- bank of Brahmaputra River since 1987. Though, this demand was not new but previously “Udayachal” was demanded by Plains Tribal Council of Assam (PTCA). The plans and policies of other Bodo organizations had changed recurrently, after achieving the political power many Bodo leaders changed their attitude towards the Boro society. After independence in every Assembly/ Parliamentary elections Boro‟s have been able to get political representation. In spite of that Boro leaders failed to promote the issues like, economic underdevelopment, unemployment, illiteracy etc. Bodo leader‟s self-centered, political hobnobbing, unstable political principles cause the growth of dissatisfaction among the educated Bodo youth. Bodos were expecting more from their political leaders who were supposed to represent the interest of the community. But, the ratio between expected and achieving have had huge gap, for this reason the feel of deprivation growth in the mind of youth. Hence some youth try to rectify the incorrect policy that other Boro organization preceding leaders had adopted.

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The history of the intra-group clashes among the Bodos starts after the withdrawal of „Udayachal‟ which was demanded by the PTCA since 1967. The ABSU leaders withdraw support from PTCA movement and intended to lead the Bodoland demand with their new charismatic leader Upendra Nath Brahma. Many PTCA leaders were assaulted in the hands of ABSU supporters for their betrayal towards the Bodo as well as whole tribal. Though there were loggerheads but, there was no fratricidal killing was recorded at that period. In this context it is important to know the term fratricide.

All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU): The ABSU and Bodo Peoples Action Committee were the signatories of BAC Accord signed on 20th February, 1993. The BdSF, (On 25th November, 1994, the BdSF rechristened as the National Democratic Front of Bodoland or NDFB) was opposed the accord and committed to an armed struggle for the creation sovereign Bodoland. Meanwhile, rift between the Bodo elite classes started. On the contrary severe infighting within the leaders of the Bodos and due to lack definite territorial boundary BAC became a failed. At the same time the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) had consolidated the support base within the community. Due to failed accord the NDFB indirectly blamed the ABSU and their allied groups. Due these moral and ideological differences the ABSU leaders became soft target of the NDFB. There were numerous incidents where the NDFB targeted ABSU leaders and killed them i.e. On 19th April, 1998, the NDFB terrorists kill two ABSU leaders in Darrang district. April 18, 2002, Suspected NDFB terrorists kill the All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) ‘Education Secretary’ Khwrwkhang Boro at Lantibari under Patacharkuchi police station limits in Barpeta. On May 3, 2002, suspected NDFB terrorists killed Laharam Mushahary, former president, Dhubri district unit, All Bodo Students‟ Union‟s (ABSU‟s). These incidents showed that NDFB had been targeted to ABSU for fratricidal killings.

Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF): Ideological difference between the NDFB and the BLTF and also their rivalry resulted in the fratricidal killings. It is worth mentioning that the NDFB aims to Sovereign Bodoland. In 1996, two rival groups, viz. NDFB and BLTF decided to annihilate each other. Each of the militant organisations tried to dominate the Bodo political parties. In their rivalry they killed, kidnapped the supporters of each other. The NDFB (new name of the BdSF, adapted on 25th November, 1994) alleged that the BLT killed Gauri Basumatary at Gendabeel on October 11, 1996 and attacked NDFB cadres from Kokrajhar town on October 20, 1996. The BLT also kidnapped Anup Doulagap, the BAC Secretary, and the son of the Chief of BAC. With this end in view, the NDFB launched operation Doar against their rival group, BLTF. On the other hand, the BLTF launched operation Srangsrang against the NDFB. On 12th December, 2000, 11 BLTF terrorists killed in an internecine clash with the NDFB terrorists in Barpeta district.
As the result of a decision taken on 10 January 2001 in Bhutan, the NDFB decided to target members of the BLTF, BSS, ABSU, Bodo People Action Committee (BPAC), and the All Bodo Women‟s Welfare Federation (ABWWF), for selective killing. On 19th January, 2001, three BLTF cadres were killed by the NDFB terrorists at Bijni. In the same year on September 16, NDFB terrorists kill a Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) cadre and injured another in an internecine clash at Dopdopi, Rangapara police station limits, Sonitpur district, Assam. On 25th October, 2002, the NDFB‟s „chief‟ D R Nabla, in a statement in the online edition of its mouthpiece Gwdan Mahari (New nation), terms the creation of Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) a non-pragmatic move. On 20th August, 2003, the NDFB killed BLTF cadre at Ladangguri under Sarbhog police station limits in Barpeta district. On 21 March, 2003, an NDFB press release refutes allegations that it was planning to target top All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) and BLTF leaders. June 11, 2003, Media reports indicate that the NDFB has issued threats to the Bodo leaders and also to the leaders of the rival BLTF.

Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS): The NDFB has been demanding Roman script since their formation. But, Bodo Sahitya Sabha withdraws the demand in the Simbargaon, Sabha conference in February, 2000. Meanwhile, on 19th August, 2000, the President of Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Bineswar Brahma, was shot dead by suspected National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) militants at his Bhetapara residence in the city around 8.30 this evening. The slain Bodo Sahitya Sabha (BSS) president, who was also Joint Manager, Movement and Commercial of Food Corporation of India (FCI), had played a major role in the peace initiative involving the BLTF and the Government of India. It may be mentioned that the NDFB was strongly opposed to Brahma’s idea of adopting Devanagiri script for Bodo language which was later endorsed by Bodo Sahitya Sabha also. The NDFB was pressuring the Sahitya Sabha to adopt Roman script for Bodo language. Sources here informed that the dastardly killing of Brahma, who was instrumental in keeping the BSS flag flying against all odds, was a reflection of the deep sense of frustration of NDFB was suffering from after it had been sidelined in the Bodo peace process. He played a major role to bring an end to the fratricidal killings among different Bodo groups.i
Split in NDFB and Fratricidal killings: On 15th December, 2008, the NDFB held its General Assembly meeting at Serfanguri designated camp in Kokrajhar District and elected B. Sungthagra alias Dhiren Boro as the new „President‟ of the outfit. B. Sungthagra was previously the „Vice- President‟ of the outfit. On 1st January, 2009, NDFB expelled its founder president, Ranjan Daimary alias D.R. Nabla, after replacing him with B. Sungthagra alias Dhiren Boro as its new chief. The new NDFB president, Sungthagra, criticising the alleged involvement of Daimary in the October 30 serial bomb blasts in Assam, said on January 1 that the NDFB would have no truck with the former chief and his accomplices.ii On 18th November, the Ranjan Daimary faction of the banned NDFB constituted its new ‘Executive Committee’ with Ranjan Daimary as the ‘President’, Dinthi Gwra Narzary as ‘General Secretary’, ‘Captain’ Sangbijit as ‘Commander-of-Staff’ and Barbai Basumatary as ‘Assistant Publicity Secretary’. The NDFB-RD also appears to be heading for a split. The group led by the „chief‟ of Bodoland Army (the armed wing of the faction), I.K. Songbijit, on November 20, 2012, announced the formation of a nine member “Interim National Council”, with Songbijit as its self- proclaimed “Interim President”. iii These splits worsen the situation and increased the numbers of fratricidal clashes.
On 26th April, 2003, Suspected NDFB terrorists kill four members of the family of a former colleague, including two children, at Taijouguri village, Kokrajhar district. On 21st May, 2007, the chairman of the ex-BLTF Welfare Society, Jonomohan Mushahary, warned the NDFB to stop fratricidal killings by targeting innocent Bodo youths and ex-BLTF cadres and viewed it as beyond their tolerance. He also accused the NDFB of having no respect for cease-fire ground rules and doubted whether their command over the outfit is intact. He urged the joint monitoring group to look after NDFB’s activities following cease-fire to clarify whether the outfit is in favour of restoring peace in the area and maintaining ground rules for peaceful negotiations. On 17th January, 2008, NDFB warned former members of the BLT, who formed the Bodoland Territorial Council, that “provocation” would invite strong retaliation from them. The outfit‟s information and publicity secretary, S. Sanjarang, claimed that some “ex-BLTF members” were trying to “provoke” his group into frittering away the gains from the peace process.iv On 14th March, 2008, Assam Government directed the police on to shift all NDFB members to three designated camps. According to the officials, the proximity of the NDFB cadres to members of the disbanded BLTF was causing law and order problems and the rival groups needed to be distanced. v
On 2nd January, 2010, a relative, of a pro-talks „commander‟ of the NDFB is shot dead by unidentified militants of Ranjan Daimary fraction of the NDFB at Silapur village in the Balijuri area under Sootea Police Station in Sonitpur District along the Assam-Arunachal Pradesh border. Sources said deceased person Udai Mushahari was on the hit list of the Daimary faction as he was suspected to be a Police informer.vi On 4th January, 2010, a 52-year-old schoolteacher, Lilabati Basumatary, is shot dead by suspected cadres belonging to pro-talks faction of the NDFB at Harisingha Deolguri in the Udalguri District. Lilabati is the elder sister of Ranjan Daimary, who is leading the anti-talk faction of the NDFB. vii On 19th April, 2010, a surrendered NDFB militant, Thirangtha Basumatary (25), was shot dead by the anti-talks faction of the outfit at Pahijuri under Rangapara Police Station in Sonitpur District.

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Role of the other organizations to stop Fratricidal Killings: Bodo National Council (BNC) an umbrella organization consisting 23 Bodo organizations was formed on 19th November, 2010, with the objective of providing a common platform for all Bodo organizations –civil, political and non- political organizations-to fight for their common causes, including the demand for a separate state of Bodoland. The major members of BNC at formation day included – Bodoland Peoples Front (BPF), All Bodo Women Welfare Federation (ABWWF), BWJF, Bodo Sahitya Sabha, Dularai Bodo Harimu Afad etc. The primary objective of the BNC is to work for greater unity and reconciliation among the civil society, Bodo leaders and organizations which have been involving in fratricidal killings. The peace efforts of the BNC have showed the seeds of unity among the warring Bodo groups.
Bodo Sahitya Sabha also organized a series of awareness programme to develop the “Peace, Unity and harmony” among the Bodos. They organized these progamme at Kajalgaon in Chirang district on 17th August, 2014, at Mushalpur, in Baksa district on 24th August,2014, on 30th August, 2014 at Udalguri and at Rangapara in Sonitpur on 14th September, 2014. There are many organizations which have been indulging in the peace- making process or to stop the fratricidal killing among the Bodo rebels. Fratricidal killings cause many lost of life within the Bodo community. Since the beginning of Bodoland movement there are so many infighting, disagreement and dissatisfaction towards the leadership. Such dissident group tried to annihilate each other as a result fratricidal clashes starts. With the help of some voluntary organization Bodos are now at present able somehow reduced such clashes and in the process of unification. Probably for self realization or for the threatening they have been facing from the intruder finally realized that unity is the best alternative way to revive their age old heritage.

Remedies
1. Only mutual trust could stop the fratricidal killings among the Bodo rebel groups.
2. Non-political organization need to play an important role to bring the trust within the community.
3. By stopping of too much politicization of the any issues.
4. By stopping the elite competitions among the Bodo leaders.
5. Illegal arms should collect and hand over to authority.
6. By spreading the moral values like non-violence.

12 Books review for Politics of Identity and Bodoland Movement in Assam

BODO PEOPLE HAVE OWN ART, LANGUAGE, TRADITION, CULTURE, HISTORY, TASTE. HAVE LEADERS, FIGHTERS, PASSION. HAVE FAITH, DREAMS, PATIENCE, PASSION, STRENGTH. BODO ARE UNIQUE . BODO ARE TOUGH. BODO ARE BRIGHT. BODO FOUGHT A 47 YEARS BATTLE FOR OWN EXISTENCE BODO WERE, BODO ARE AND BODO WILL STAND UNITED FOR OWN RIGHTS. HISTORY IS EVIDENCE, TIME IS WITNESS, LAW PERMITS BODO PEOPLE DESERVE __ “CREAT BODOLAND.

The authors have attempted to analyse Bodos historical background, socio-political status, the different phases of the movement so far crossed, the leadership of the movement, the participation of the Bodo people in the democratic electoral politics of India etc.

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1 Why a Bodoland? By Bokul Chandra Basumatary
2 The Bodo civilization by Bokul Chandra Basumatary
3 The treaties of Bodos by Bokul Chandra Basumatary

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4 Why Bodo movement? by Khema Sonowal

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5 The dream of Udayachal by Charan Narzary

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6 The Bodo of Assam Revisiting a Classical Study from 1950
by Halfdan Siiger (edited by Peter B. Andersen and Santosh K. Soren)

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7 Politics of Identity and the Bodo Movement in Assam by Deka , Hira Moni
8The Bodos and the Movement for Self-Determination Paperback – Import, 14 Sep 2011 by Khema Sonowal
9 Bodoland movement, 1986-2001: a dream and reality by Yamao Zwhwlao Brahma, All Bodo Students’ Union (Kokrajhar, India)
10 The Bodo Movement and Women Participation by Sucheta Sen Chaudhuri

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11 Bodos – Emergence and Assertion of an Ethnic Minority by Sujit Choudhary
12. The novel, Jerwi Hagramaya Gabw, by Ratna Bharali Talukdar .
The Bodo (or Boros) are one of the indigenous tribal peoples of Assam. During colonial times they resisted Christianization and in recent decades they have been involved both in interethnic violence and separatist insurgencies. Much research has gone into understanding the Boros and their aspirations but an issue has been that earlier accounts of this once-animist people are meagre and date from the colonial period. The rediscovery and publication of the ethnographic material based on fieldwork carried out by Halfdan Siiger among the Boros in 1949–50 is thus hugely important. Siiger’s manuscript is unique, offering detailed descriptions of the social and ritual life of the Boros and new insights into the traditions and myths as they were told in the village he studied before the transformation of religious life in recent decades. Thanks to Siiger’s diligent translation and interpretation, the manuscript also preserves a number of ritual formulas and songs in the Boro language. Siiger’s manuscript is given even greater relevance by the inclusion of more recent material contributed by the editors and other contemporary scholars. In addition, his original photos are augmented by new photos from the village and by rare images from the collections of the National Museum of Denmark.
The Bodo (or Boros) are one of the indigenous tribal peoples of Assam. During colonial times they resisted Christianization and in recent decades they have been involved both in interethnic violence and separatist insurgencies. Much research has gone into understanding the Boros and their aspirations but an issue has been that earlier accounts of this once-animist people are meagre and date from the colonial period. The rediscovery and publication of the ethnographic material based on fieldwork carried out by Halfdan Siiger among the Boros in 1949 – 50 is thus hugely important. Siiger’s manuscript is unique, offering detailed descriptions of the social and ritual life of the Boros and new insights into the traditions and myths as they were told in the village he studied before the transformation of religious life in recent decades. Thanks to Siiger’s diligent translation and interpretation, the manuscript also preserves a number of ritual formulas and songs in the Boro language. Siiger’s manuscript is given even greater relevance by the inclusion of more recent material contributed by the editors and other contemporary scholars. In addition, his original photos are augmented by new photos from the village and by rare images from the collections of the National Museum of Denmark.
The term Bodos has been used by the older generation of scholars to denote earliest Indo-Mongoloid migrants to eastern Indian who subsequently spread over different regions of Bengal, Assam and Tripura. But recent developments make it imperative to redefine the term Bodo and its wider denotation deserves to be abandoned in recognition of the emerging socio-political vocabulary; the Bodo means the plain tribes of western and northern Assam known earlier as the Bodo-Kacharis of the Brahmaputra Valley. Only that aspect of Bodo history has been considered in this study which can be traced on the basis of evidences, direct or indirect, and at the same time on the complex process of formation of the Assamese nationality vis-à-vis the evolution of Bodo society. This monograph is an attempt to trace different phases of history through which the Bodos emerged as the most dominant ethnic minority of Assam.

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